El sueño es inefable, pero acercándose día con día a lo-realístico: “si todos nos tomamos de las manos, será más fácil cambiar al mundo”. read full story / add a comment

A las 2:30 pm, un trailer gigantesco dividió a los contingentes de la batalla: por un extremo, un operativo de más de 100 camiones y patrullas con elementos cargados con armas de gases lacrimógenos y de fuego; por el otro, la población resistiendo con palos, piedras y el estruendo de los cohetones -que a su vez servían como instrumentos de guerra para que los vecinos salieran a las calles- read full story / add a comment

When Obama received the Nobel Prize in 2009, the committee acknowledged his commitment to peace. He has since bombed eight countries. read full story / add a comment

El 4, 5 y 6 de enero, la comunidad de Amilcingo en Morelos, se reunió de nueva cuenta para festejar y llevar a la conciencia la enorme labor radial de quienes integran la Radio Comunitaria Amiltzinko 100.7 FM read full story / add a comment

El voluntario norteamericano de 27 años murió en un bombardeo turco el 29 de noviembre en el norte de Siria. read full story / add a comment

This past week on January 11th, the body of Michael Israel, Sacramento organizer and late YPG volunteer, finally arrived in California from overseas. His journey back into the United States took over a month, and began in Syria with a ceremony and mourning procession to send him off. His California community has been awaiting his arrival, and organized a funeral procession of their own to welcome Michael home for the last time. Sacramento and Bay Area activists, individuals from the California Kurdish community, and Michael’s friends and family all came together to accompanied him from the San Francisco Airport to Lodi, his hometown. Over fifty people took part in the long-distance procession, traveling in around 20 cars, vans, and buses festooned with YPG and anti-fascist flags, flowers, and pictures of Michael. read full story / add a comment

En el municipio de Hopelchén en Campeche, la comunidad de San Franciso Suc-Tuc ha decidido regirse por usos y costumbres. ¿Qué significa esto?, los días 9, 10 y 11 de enero, tras una jornada de históricas asambleas deliberativas, los pobladores eligieron a un Consejo de Gobierno autónomo y a tres representantes que fungirán como tesorero, secretario y comisario, todos ellos, desconcentrados y revocables para la administración que se plantee en futuras asambleas, una diferencia radical de lo que enmarca el viejo orden constitucional.

Ahora, velarán por la gestión autónoma del territorio y la vida social en pos de los intereses comunes, y ya no por los que el Estado-Ayuntamiento siempre ha transformado en negocio y lucro de unos cuantos. read full story / add a comment

"Desde el Ángel marcharon decenas de miles. Niños, jóvenes, adultos y algunos valientes en su silla de ruedas. La consigna sigue siendo, como desde mayo de 2012: ¡Fuera Peña! Hay que ver más a fondo la problemática, no es el régimen peñanietista, ¡es todo el Estado-Capital! Decimos sin tapujos que nuestra consigna es: ¡Que se vayan todos!" read full story / add a comment

México no está al borde del colapso financiero… ¡ya lo está! Tenemos que ser realistas, y por tanto, nuestro análisis debe serlo de igual forma. Entrevista a obrero petrolero en lucha de PEMEX en Veracruz, México, sobre la crisis económica en el país. read full story / add a comment

The General Defense Committee of the Industrial Workers World (IWW) has become an important pole of struggle for pro-working-class revolutionaries in the Twin Cities. While active on a number of different fronts it is the participation of the General Defense Committee (GDC) in the year-long struggle against police killings and brutality in the Twin Cities that has largely led to the significant growth of the organization. The GDC has grown to approximately 90 dues-paying members in Minnesota, and has several active working-groups. In the wake of Trump’s election victory, Wobblies (1) and others across the country have begun establishing their own GDC locals – strongly influenced by the Twin Cities’ model. read full story / add a comment

La historia del Estado de Guerrero, en México, encuentra su hilo conductor en la violencia, en particular la violencia política. La actitud autoritaria y represiva de las élites locales, tratando de mantener las grandes desigualdades que atraviesan a la región, se ha enfrentado continuamente con los intentos organizativos rebeldes de las clases populares. read full story / add a comment

The rise of a U.S. movement which rejects the legitimacy of Trump's presidency. read full story / add a comment

They send a message to the world: “With autonomy we fight for life and territory” read full story / add a comment

Grupo de indígenas na'savi se levantan en armas por la autogestión de su seguridad, sus territorios y por la construcción de una autonomía municipal que enfrente a las policías municipales, el ejército y los grupos del narcotráfico. read full story / add a comment

La pintura se borra, la sangre no... read full story / add a comment

Debate "The claim that "syndicalist unions broke off from mainstream federations to form 'purely revolutionary' unions, cutting themselves off from the mass of workers" doesn't hold up, though it does conform to the Leninist orthodoxy of "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder. There were many countries where the syndicalist unions were the majority--such as Portugal, Spain, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Brazil. Syndicalist unions in South Africa, such as the Industrial Workers of Africa (modeled on the Industrial Workers of the World), were the only unions that organized native African workers, who were excluded from the white craft unions.
At the time of the mass occupation of the factories in Italy in September 1920, the USI (Italian Syndicalist Union) was claiming 800,000 members, and the factory councils formed throughout Italy in those events were mostly organized by the USI. Moreover, it was the anarcho-syndicalists who initiated a militia movement ("arditti del popolo") to fight Mussolini's fascist squads. But the Communists didn't cooperate, and the Socialist Party capitulated to fascism.

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Once it became clear that Trump was going to become the president of the USA, my Facebook feed became cluttered with attempts to understand how that could possibly happen.  How could a white supremacist, misogynist and utterly transparent snake oil salesman accumulate so many votes?  Those on the left both inside and outside the borders of the USA struggled to understand what had happened. [Listen to the audio of this entire article] A common conclusion in too many of these pieces is that the left needs to reach out, and listen to the concerns of, those who voted for him as a priority.  In a similar fashion to how sections of the left evaluated Brexit, they see a working class anti-establishment rebellion in the Trump vote from what they term the ‘white working class’. They believe that component was won by Trump because it has been neglected by the left - often, they will assert, because the rest of the left was distracted by what they call identity politics. This is a simple explanatory story that is particularly attractive to those sections of the left that have a nostalgic yearning for an imagined past of pure class struggle, shorn of internal concerns around oppression.  But the concept of masses of otherwise progressive working class voters opting for Trump on economic grounds is a myth.  The attractiveness of that myth and its promotion has more to do with the hostility of that section of the left towards the influence of intersectional feminism than anything more substantive.  That hostility has caused them to seek out anecdotes and exceptional regions and present them as the typical story that defines the election just as liberal Hillary Clinton campaigners have focused in on Facebook false news stories as the cause of her defeat. read full story / add a comment

Η στρατηγική μας στηρίζεται στην ενότητα των εν λόγω άμεσων δράσεων, καθώς η κάλπη δεν αποτελεί άμυνα ενάντια στο φασισμό και το μίσος ούτε συνιστά κάτι τέτοιο το Δημοκρατικό Κόμμα. Βλέπουμε ότι οι νίκες που έχουμε κερδίσει μέσα από σκληρούς αγώνες θα μπορούσαν να αντιστραφούν. Η μόνη μας ευκαιρία είναι να δημιουργήσουμε ένα κίνημα που να στηρίζεται στην εξουσία των ανθρώπων. Μια στρατηγική για να υπερασπίσουμε τις κοινότητές μας και να αμφισβητήσουμε τον Τραμπ αρχίζει με και από εμάς, τους εκμεταλλευόμενους εργαζόμενους. Μαζί κρατάμε τη λύση στο ζήτημα Τραμπ και στα μεγαλύτερα προβλήματα του καπιταλισμού, την πατριαρχία και τη λευκή υπεροχή. read full story / add a comment

A strategy to defend our communities and to challenge Trump begins with us, the exploited workers. Together we hold the solution to Trump and to the bigger problems of capitalism, patriarchy, and white supremacy. Some sections of the ruling classes may share our desire to get rid of Trump, but only so that they can put another capitalist in the White House and then have us go through this cycle of crisis all over again. While we may end up marching with these people in the streets for the next four years, we know that our allies are those who also work to build the independent power of the exploited classes, not those who want us to pin our hopes on political candidates.
We must push for greater unity of working-class social movements. We need to reach out to others who are doing organizing in our areas and talk to them about working together. We should push for social movement organizations that we are part of – like labor unions, Black Lives Matter chapters, immigrant rights organizations – to organize city-wide summits to plan how to support each other and how to coordinate opposition to Trump. Between now and January 20th, we should organize as much national discussion and coordination between social movements and revolutionary organizations as possible. We should plan for mass protests on Trump’s inauguration day, and we should see these protests as organizing tools to continue building unity and to draw people into the day-to-day organizing in our communities where we will really be building the long-term power that we need to be a threat to the state.

Also read Trumpazo al establecimiento en EEUU: la lucha de clases y el magnate excéntrico José Antonio Gutiérrez D. read full story / add a comment

Τι χρειάζεται να γίνει:
1. Όχι στην Εθνική "θεραπεία", σε συνεργασία με, ή περίοδο χάριτος στο καθεστώς Trump
2. Βγείτε στους δρόμους - οικοδομήστε οργανώσεις μαχητικής αντίστασης
3. Συγκροτείστε οργανώσεις άμυνας της εργατικής τάξης που θα αντιστέκονται στις ρατσιστικές επιθέσεις, τη σεξουαλική κακοποίηση, τις επιδρομές σε μετανάστες με το πρόσχημα της εσωτερικής ασφάλειας και ενάντια στις απελάσεις, την αστυνομική βία και την κρατική καταστολή
4. Κινηθείτε και οργανωθείτε σε εργατικές δραστηριότητες - συμπεριλαμβανομένης μιας γενικής απεργίας ενάντια στον Trump
5. Όχι στην ανάθεση του αγώνα ξανά στο Δημοκρατικό Κόμμα, όχι στον εκλογικισμό και το μη κερδοσκοπικό Βιομηχανικό Συγκρότημα (Non-Profit Industrial Complex). read full story / add a comment