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international / miscellaneous Monday May 01, 2023 21:08 bei European anarchist organizations
Social anarchism understands that empowered peoples cannot expect substantial improvements in their lives through parliamentary struggle. On the contrary, in times of scarcity authoritarian monsters grow. Right-wing ideology pretends to use the diversity of the working class to single out groups to hate: immigrants, the LGTBI community, Romani and Sinto people or even feminism or environmentalism. [Castellano]
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Thu 01 Jun, 02:19
L’anarchismo sociale è consapevole che i popoli emancipati non possono aspettarsi miglioramenti sostanziali nelle loro vite attraverso la lotta parlamentare. Al contrario, in tempi di scarsità crescono i mostri autoritari. L’ideologia di destra usa strumentalmente la diversità della classe lavoratrice per individuare gruppi da odiare: gli immigrati, la comunità LGTBI, gli zingari o persino il femminismo o l’ambientalismo. [Inglese] [Castigliano] El anarquismo social entiende que los pueblos dignos no pueden esperar mejoras sustanciales de sus vidas a través de la lucha parlamentaria. Al contrario, en tiempos de escasez crecen los monstruos autoritarios. La ideología de la derecha pretende utiliza la diversidad de la clase trabajadora para señalar colectivos a los que odiar: inmigrantes, comunidad LGTBI, etnia gitana o incluso el feminismo o el ecologismo. [English] Social anarchism understands that empowered peoples cannot expect substantial improvements in their lives through parliamentary struggle. On the contrary, in times of scarcity authoritarian monsters grow. Right-wing ideology pretends to use the diversity of the working class to single out groups to hate: immigrants, the LGTBI community, Romani and Sinto people or even feminism or environmentalism. No government can save us. Only the working class free itself. We need to make a revolution. We need to overthrow capitalism and build libertarian communism, worldwide. For this, the labour movement needs to be built anew. We need to organise in the workplace and rebuild our unions from the ground up. We need rank and file control. The practices by which we build our movement will be the ones that form the basis of the new society. Solidarity statement with the anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito An article examining the underlying link between disasters. In response to a paper by the anarchist Ron Tabor in which he re-thinks revolutionary politics. Άρθρο που δημοσιεύτηκε στην επιθεώρηση Black Flag Anarchist Review 2. Ο Wayne Price είναι ακτιβιστής, συγγραφέας και θεωρητικός του αναρχισμού και του επαναστατικού αντιεξουσιαστικού σοσιαλισμού. Μετάφραση Δημήτρης Πλαστήρας Οι αναρχικοί θα πρέπει να έχουν κατά νου τα λόγια του Peter Kropotkin γι’ αυτό το θέμα και την προειδοποίησή του προς τους εργάτες που αρνούνται να εγκαταλείψουν τέτοιες τακτικές για επαναστατικό αγώνα: The working class of Australia has no interest in a war against Chinese workers and Chinese workers have no interest in a war with us. Militarization and war is a ruling class game. We have far more in common with each other than either of us do with the ruling classes of our countries. And just as so many Chinese workers (under much harsher conditions than our own) have had the bravery to fight the bosses and politicians who exploit and oppress them, rather than embrace a nationalist fight against ‘foreign forces’, we should also recognise that our main enemy is here at home. They manage our workplaces and make our laws. The only war worth fighting is the class war against them. Από τη μελέτη μου για την ισπανική επανάσταση στη δεκαετία του 1930, θα έλεγα ότι τα στοιχεία δείχνουν την κρίσιμη σημασία της προετοιμασίας-προετοιμασίας των αγωνιστών, ενεργών μελών της οργάνωσης. Τόσο οι μεγάλες επιτυχίες όσο και οι αποτυχίες της CNT σε εκείνη την επανάσταση μπορούν να εξηγηθούν από αυτό. Δεδομένου του πόσο κρίσιμη είναι η προετοιμασία, δείχνει το ριζικό λάθος του «αυθορμητισμού» ή «θα το καταλάβουμε όταν έρθει η ώρα». Militant Kindergarten is a 15-week seminar hosted by the Center for Especifismo Studies. Η συμβολή ελευθεριακών θεωρητικών στην περιβαλλοντική φιλοσοφία και την ελευθεριακή εκπαίδευση και η προσπάθεια πραγμάτωσης των θεωριών τους σε ένα ελευθεριακό σχολείο του σήμερα. Ο Αναρχισμός έχει κατηγορηθεί ότι υποθάλπει ή ότι έχει αγνοήσει την Πατριαρχία. Αρκετές από αυτές τις κατηγορίες είναι αληθείς φωτογραφικά, αλλά αδικούν το Αναρχικό κίνημα συνολικά, διότι από την απαρχή της Ιδέας υπήρξαν φωνές που ζητούσαν το αυτονόητο: ότι η χειραφέτηση δεν είναι θέμα φύλου, ούτε ότι οι άντρες έχουν προτεραιότητα στην Ελευθερία. Ο πρώιμος αναρχοκομμουνιστής Joseph Déjacque (Ζοζέφ Ντεζάκ), ο πρώτος που χρησιμοποίησε την λέξη «ελευθεριακός», μαθητής του Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, γράφει μια οργισμένη επιστολή στον Δάσκαλο το 1857. Link to a free audiobook version of the English translation of Social Anarchism and Organisation by FARJ. Βιβλιοπαρουσίαση: Το μικρό βιβλίο του ελευθεριακού κομμουνισμού - «Μικρό» βιβλίο – Μεγάλο περιεχόμενο There is a debate over the views of Kropotkin, the great anarchist, on the First World War and on Imperialism in General. This shines a light on anarchists' opinions of imperialism, national self-determination, and the current Ukrainian-Russian War. We are members of the working class. We have no great fortunes to defend. Instead, the Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group raises the banner of liberty, equality and solidarity. These principles, as promised by the foundation of liberal, democratic republics, can only be made real when there are no more bosses, or governments, or the threat of poverty hanging over our heads. Such a society, based on libertarian communism, will be freer than any democracy, be more equal than any capitalist republic, and unleash a solidarity unknown to the capitalist class and which can never exist between classes. The new world will relegate monarchy, along with every other form of government, to the history books – and King Charles III will be known, we hope, as Charles the Last. The unions in Australia today are a shadow of their former selves, led by cowards whose main job is to police their members to ensure that unions aren't fined out of business by the vicious anti-union laws. This needs to be turned around completely before workers will consider fighting for a Just Transition – but also for workers to defend working conditions, maintain health and safety and be adequately compensated for the inflation that is now ripping through the economy and devastating real wages. And to do that, we need to take on the union bureaucracy and beat them. The steady revival of organized Anarchism in the anglosphere has led to a re-engagement with the fundamental strategic questions of Anarchism. In what way should a revolutionary organization be structured? How should a revolutionary organization struggle for reforms? What role does the revolutionary organization play in the revolutionary process? In grappling with these questions the most novel contemporary insights have undoubtedly come from the Anarchist movement in Latin America, where the tradition of organized, class struggle anarchism was growing and successfully struggling whilst in the anglosphere it was languishing in a long period of decline.
In the spirit of clarifying and spreading the debates of Latin American Anarchism to the anglosphere, I contacted Felipe Correa in early 2022 and asked him questions that various comrades had raised during reading groups and informal discussions concerning the tendency – questions that could not be easily answered by the texts available to us. His extensive response to my questions, ranging from the notion of power, the role of organizations, and the relation between Anarchism and class politics, offers valuable and unique insight into this important tendency.
As far as I can tell, Ukrainian anarchists have in fact followed Malatesta’s approach. Virtually the whole country has risen up to oppose the invasion. There is voluntary organizing throughout the nation, both military and providing social services, despite chaos and destruction. Ukrainian anarchists have not made fools of themselves by opposing the resistance of the people. Instead they have merged with the broader movement of Ukrainians. Some have provided non-military services through mutual aid groups, such as food distribution. Others have formed a military unit composed of anarchists and anti-fascists. Although they have a good deal of autonomy, they coordinate with the Territorial Defense Forces. A constante renovação do anarquismo organizado no mundo anglófono levou a um reengajamento com as questões estratégicas fundamentais do anarquismo. De que maneira uma organização revolucionária deve estruturar-se? Como uma organização revolucionária deve lutar pelas reformas? Qual é o papel da organização revolucionária no processo revolucionário? Ao lidar com essas questões, os insights contemporâneos têm vindo, indubitavelmente, do movimento anarquista na América Latina, onde a tradição do anarquismo organizado e classista vem crescendo e obtendo bons resultados na luta, enquanto no mundo alglófono essa tradição tem estado em declínio há um longo período.
No espírito de esclarecer e difundir os debates do anarquismo latino-americano para o mundo anglófono, contatei Felipe Corrêa no início de 2022 e fiz a ele um conjunto de questões que vários companheiros levantaram nos grupos de leitura e nas discussões informais acerca do especifismo – questões que não podiam ser facilmente respondidas pelos textos disponíveis para nós. Suas extensas respostas às minhas questões – que abordam temas como conceito de poder, o papel das organizações e a relação entre anarquismo e política classista – oferecem insights valiosos e únicos dessa tendência contemporânea.
The Antiwar Manifesto of 1915 signed by Leonard D. Abbott, Alexander Berkman, L. Bertoni, L. Bersani, G. Bernard, G. Barrett, A. Bernardo, E. Boudot, A. Calzitta, Joseph J. Cohen, Henrry Combes, Nestor Ciele van Diepen, F.W. Dunn, Ch. Frigerio, Emma Goldman, V. Garcia, Hippolyte Havel, T.H. Keell, Harry Kelly, J. Lemaire, E. Malatesta, H. Marques, F. Domela Nieuwenhuis, Noel Panavich, E. Recchioni, G. Rijnders, I. Rochtchine, A. Savioli, A. Schapiro, William Shatoff, V.J.C. Schermerhorn, C. Trombetti, P. Vallina, G. Vignati, Lillian G. Woolf, S. Yanovsky. A short introduction to some of the basic ideas of Bakunin and their relevance in the 21st Century. César Orquín: ο αναρχικός κρατούμενος που έσωσε εκατοντάδες Ισπανούς εκτοπισμένους στο στρατόπεδο Mauthausen των Ναζί Facciamo appello a tutti i militanti e simpatizzanti di essere presenti e solidali con il movimento curdo, sostenendo: Podemos decir que el sistema capitalista a escala planetaria ha entrado en una nueva etapa. Estamos en sus inicios, pero una nueva etapa al fin. Nueva etapa que se inicia claramente con la pandemia del COVID y las diferentes medidas impuestas por los Estados para controlar a las poblaciones más que a la enfermedad: los confinamientos masivos y la militarización de la vida social, las medidas represivas para imponer el confinamiento. Los Estados experimentaron con diversas medidas para controlar o conducir a sus poblaciones a su antojo, mientras se imponían medidas draconianas em términos económicos y sociales. Se hablaban de grandes “ayudas” e inversiones estatales, pero estas iban volcadas principalmente a las empresas multinacionales. Fue una reactivación del capital lo que impulsaron los diferentes gobiernos, pero jamás pusieron atención y contención social suficientes debido a las consecuencias de la pandemia y el gran freno económico que ella supuso. The present text —the core of which was taken from the introduction that we wrote for the French edition of Social Anarchism and Organization, by the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (FARJ)[1]— aims to discuss the question of the specific anarchist political organization, based on the contributions of Mikhail Bakunin, Errico Malatesta and the Organizational Platform for a General Union of Anarchists, written by militants organized around the magazine Dielo Trudá, among whom were Nestor Makhno and Piotr Archinov. We are going to take up the contributions of Bakunin and Malatesta to establish a dialogue between them and the Platform, trace the similarities and differences between the proposals of anarchists who advocate an organizational dualism and those of the Bolsheviks, and we will see the proximity of Malatesta with the Synthesis, as well as the historical impact of the Platform, which will make it possible to elucidate the positions that have been disseminated about this debate.
KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 105, May 2022 has just been posted on our site. Σούλα Μαρινούδη, Η ζωή χωρίς εμένα - Έμφυλα υποκείμενα εντός και εκτός των κινηματικών χώρων |
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