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Recent articles by Wayne Price
Malatesta’s Revolutionary Anarchism in British Exile 2 comments An Anarchist View of Trotsky’s "Transitional Program" 3 comments The Joy of Alex Comfort 2 comments Recent Articles about International Anarchist movementAnarchists in Rojava: Revolution is a struggle in itself Oct 04 23 An Attempted Marxist-Anarchist Dialogue Oct 03 23 A Guide to Anarcho-Syndicalism and Libertarian Socialism Aug 03 23 Confronting the Question of Power
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Monday February 27, 2006 11:37 by Wayne Price - NEFAC drwdprice at aol dot com
Should the Oppressed Take Power? Many antiauthoritarians oppose the aim of “taking power.” They advocate a gradual replacement of capitalism by alternate institutions. Alternately, Marxist-Leninists propose replacing the state by a new “workers’ state.” Instead revolutionary anarchists should advocate the goal of replacing the state by a federation of councils, but not by a new state. Key questions of politics revolve around the issue of power. Shall the working class and all oppressed people accept the existing power of the state? Or should they consider themselves in opposition to it and aim to eventually overthrow it? Should they aim to establish their own power in some form? If so, should they aim to establish a new state or to establish some other, nonstate, institutions? For those on the Left, our opinions about power and the state determine whether we are liberals or radicals, reformists or revolutionaries, state socialists or socialist anarchists. what can replace the state?Instead of a state, the working class and other oppressed people could run society--directly. The possibility of this appears in the history of revolutions. “From the largely medieval peasant wars of the sixteenth-century Reformation to the modern uprisings of industrial workers and peasants, oppressed peoples have created their own popular forms of community association--potentially the popular infrastructure of a new society--to replace the oppressive states that ruled over them....During the course of the revolutions, these associations took the institutional form of local assemblies, much like town meetings, or representative councils of mandated recallable deputies.” (Bookchin,1996, p. 4)In ancient Athens, the free workers and peasants overthrew the aristocracy and created a system of direct democracy. The U.S. revolution was built on directly-democratic New England town meetings and other popular committees. The French revolution created the direct democracy of the Parisian sections. The 1871 Paris Commune set up a system of recallable representatives which has inspired socialists ever after. The Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 established soviets (councils) of recallable deputies, rooted in the direct democracy of factory councils, peasant communities, and soldier committees. Revolutionary workers’ councils sprung up in Germany, Hungary, and Italy after World War I and in Italy after World War II. Factory and peasant councils appeared in Spain during its 1930s revolution/civil war. During the Cold War, factory councils appeared in Eastern Europe in the struggle against Stalinism, in Hungary, East Germany, and Poland. They appeared in embryo in France in 1968 and in Italy in the 70s. Workers, peasant, and neighborhood councils have appeared in Latin America and elsewhere repeatedly in our time, including the Iranian shoras during the revolution against the Shah. Anarchists have sometimes conceived of replacing the state by direct face-to-face democracy wherever people are gathered together with common interests--such as the workplace or the community. These popular councils would federate together by sending representatives to central councils, which might send representatives to higher federal levels. Delegates would be elected in the popular assemblies, be immediately recallable if popular opinion changed, and would rotate in office. (For a discussion of one way a councilist system might work, from the point of view of Participatory Economics--”parecon”--see Shalom, 2004. For further discussion of this and related issues, see O’Brien, 2006.) It may be objected that the “workers” and “oppressed” cannot take power, by definition, since once the capitalists are expropriated there will no longer be a special class of exploited “workers” nor anyone who is still “oppressed.” But this is only true in tendency. It will take a lengthy period of struggle before capitalism is completely defeated, classlessness is fully achieved, and there is no more oppression. Meanwhile the (more-or-less former) workers and oppressed must hold power. At least at the beginning of a revolution, working people will have different opinions and will organize themselves into different political organizations to express their points of view. Some groupings will work together--even merge--to work for common opinions. Others will compete with each other, fighting for alternate ideas of what the councils should do. Such groupings may call themselves “parties,” but anarchist organizations will struggle to prevent any group or groups from “taking over” and ruling (“administering”) the councils. People must have the right to organize for their opinions, but it must be the councils--working people as a whole--which are in power. During the 1930s Spanish struggle against fascism, the main anarchist federation (the F.A.I., which dominated a union federation, the C.N.T.) joined the liberal Republican capitalist government, betraying its antistatist program. They were criticized for this collaboration with their class enemies. A Spanish anarchist minority which called itself the Friends of Durruti Group declared that the anarchists should have instead led in creating a federation of democratic organs of working class and peasant power, an alternative to both the Republican state and Franco’s fascist state. They felt that this would require a modification of anarchist theory, or at least, of the theory which dominated in Spain at that time. In their 1938 document, Towards a Fresh Revolution, the Friends of Durruti Group wrote, “We are introducing a slight variation in anarchism into our program. The establishment of a revolutionary Junta...or National Defense Council. This body to be organized as follows: members of the revolutionary Junta will be elected by democratic vote in the union organizations.” (1978, p. 42) An account of their politics by a Bordighist claims that the Friends of Durruti were in effect going over to a Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat, interpreted to mean the rule of a vanguard party (as Bordiga advocated; Guillamon,1996). But as can be seen from the quotation, what they had in mind was a democratic council elected from the mass workers’ unions. The international tendency of Platformist (pro-organizational) anarchists today identifies with the Friends of Durruti Group. To enforce its will against armed counterrevolution or foreign invasion, the council federation would rely on the armed working people. This would be a popular militia, rooted in workplaces and communities, with at least lower officers elected by the ranks, and directed overall by the federation of councils. (In ancient Athens, when the male citizens voted on war in the assembly, they did not vote to send someone else into battle; they knew that war would mean going home and sharpening their own weapons.) The concept of defense by a popular militia (including guerrilla war methods) has a long history, from the U.S. bourgeois-democratic revolution to national anti-imperialist resistance in many countries today. Similarly, most crime-control could be done by parts of the popular militia, with many people taking turns in patrolling neighborhoods and keeping the peace. (A full discussion of how antisocial actions might be controlled under a decentralized socialism is beyond the scope of this essay.) there is no “workers state”Marxists sometimes argue that what I am describing--a federation of workers’ councils with a popular, working class, militia--would be a “workers’ state.” This is not so.To Marx and Engels, the state (the basic framework of the government) only arose with the beginning of class-divided society; for most of human existence there were no states. The state is a socially-alienated bureaucratic-military machine which stands over and above the rest of society, serving the interests of an exploiting minority. In The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, Engels wrote that the state includes “a special public force...; it consists not merely of armed men but also of material appendages, prisons and coercive institutions of all kinds....Officials now present themselves as organs of society standing above society.... Representatives of a power which estranges them from society....it is normally the state of the most powerful, economically dominant class....” (1972, pp. 230--231) Most anarchists, I think, could accept this description of the state. (Of course, much more could be said about the modern capitalist state; this is its skeleton.) Two conclusions can be drawn from this description of the core of the state. One is that reformism would not work. Reforms may be won through struggle, but the existing state cannot be used to get rid of its ruling class. Nor will it stand neutral while alternate, “dual-power” institutions are growing up to replace capitalism and the state itself. Reformists have pointed out that democratic states have passed minimum wage laws or antidiscrimination laws. However, this does not prove that the state is not a capitalist machine. The management of any large corporation may have internal conflicts over how to deal with its workers, whether to beat them back or whether to grant them some reforms (such as slightly higher wages or anti-discrimination agreements). They do this under pressure from the workers. But this does not change corporate management from what it is, an organ of capital. And the same is true of the capitalist state. Under certain conditions some reforms can be won from it. But never a change in social system. The other conclusion is that there can be no such thing as a “workers’ state.” The working class cannot rule through such bureaucratic-military-police machinery. To use the state to overthrow a ruling class is only to lay the basis for a new exploitative ruling class: state capitalism. As history has shown. The working class in power would be different from all other ruling classes in history. Partially in its goals: its aim should be not to maintain its power but to build a classless society where people are not divided into specialized layers with differing economic roles. But also, all other ruling classes needed a state because they were minorities who had to hold down the big majority of the population. But the working class--and its allies among the oppressed, such as peasants and women--is the big majority. It needs power in order to hold down the minority, the capitalists and their agents. It does not need and cannot use a state. Paul Mattick was a spokesperson for the antistatist Marxist trend of Council Communism. In his view, the Marxism of Marx and Engels rejected the state. (Whether his interpretation of Marxism is “correct” is not my subject here. It is one interpretation and is consistent with anarchism. Also note that he used the term “dictatorship of the proletariat” NOT to mean a “workers’ state” but simply to mean “the workers having taken power.” Arguably, this may be what Marx and Engels meant by it. However, the term has come to mean a one-party totalitarianism, which was not Mattick’s meaning. We should not use the term today.) “The victorious working class would neither institute a new state nor seize control of the existing state, but exercise its dictatorship [class power--WP]....Although assuming functions previously associated with those of the state, this dictatorship is not to become a new state,but a means to the elimination of all suppressive measures through the ending of class relations. There is no room for a ‘socialist state’ in socialism....The socialized economy...is itself a part of the organization of the associated producers and not an independent entity set against them....It is not through the state that socialism can be realized, as this would exclude the self-determination of the working class, which is the essence of socialism. State rule perpetuates the divorce of the workers from the means of production, on which their dependence and exploitation rests, and thus also perpetuates social class relations.” (Mattick, 1983, pp. 160--161) Completely correct. power corrupts?We anarchists cite Lord Acton’s dictum, “Power corrupts; absolute power corrupts absolutely.” This is why we urge direct democracy, decentralization, representation (when necessary) to be by controllable and recallable deputies, pluralism, rotation in office, a coperative society, and freedom of speech, of the press, and of association. By such means, the power of a class will not result in the corruption of individuals. Over time, the eventual development of a classless and oppressionless society will achieve Meltzer’s previously cited goal, a world where “power to all means power to nobody in particular.”But it is also true that “powerlessness corrupts!” The lack of power of the exploited and oppressed leads to mass demoralization, defeatism, emotional dysfunction, and cynicism. Those who are currently on the bottom of society need to win power--on a radically democratic basis. Our class and our allies among the oppressed should aim to get rid of the state and all other institutions of capitalism, and to take democratic power for ourselves. We should aim not to create a new state but to create a nonstate federation of workers’ and community councils, backed by ourselves in arms. Revolutionary anarchists should advocate this program to the rest of our class and to all those oppressed. Revolutionary anarchists should oppose all varieties of reformism. This includes proposals to use the existing state to transform society and also proposals to try to ignore the state, to work around it, and gradually build up alternate institutions to replace capitalism. The state is not neutral and will not permit this to work. It will have to be directly confronted and eventually defeated. references Bookchin, Murray (1996). The third revolution; Popular movements in the revolutionary era. London/NY: Cassell. Draper, Hal (1992). Socialism from below. (E. Haberkern, ed.). Atlantic Highlands, NJ/London: Humanities Press. Engels, Frederick (1972). The origin of the family, private property, and the state. NY: International Publishers. Friends of Durruti Group (1978). Towards a fresh revolution. (Paul Sharkey, trans.). Sanday, Orkney: Cienfuedgos Press. Guillamon, Agustin (1996). The Friends of Durruti Group: 1937--1939. (Paul Sharkey, trans.). San Francisco/Edinburgh: AK Press. Mattick, Paul (1983). Marxism: Last refuge of the bourgeoisie? (Paul Mattick, Jr., ed.). Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Meltzer, Albert (1996). Anarchism: Arguments for and against. Edinburgh/San Francisco: AK Press. O’Brien, James (2006). What Type of Society do Anarchists Want to Live in? http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=2443 Shalom, Stephen (2004). ParPolity: Political Vision for a Good Society; draft. http://www.zmag.org/shalompol.html Weissman, Susan (2001). Victor Serge; The course is set on hope. London/NY: Verso. Written for www.Anarkismo.net |
HauptseiteSupport Sudanese anarchists in exile Joint Statement of European Anarchist Organizations International anarchist call for solidarity: Earthquake in Turkey, Syria and Kurdistan Elements of Anarchist Theory and Strategy 19 de Julio: Cuando el pueblo se levanta, escribe la historia International anarchist solidarity against Turkish state repression Declaración Anarquista Internacional por el Primero de Mayo, 2022 Le vieux monde opprime les femmes et les minorités de genre. Leur force le détruira ! Against Militarism and War: For self-organised struggle and social revolution Declaração anarquista internacional sobre a pandemia da Covid-19 Anarchist Theory and History in Global Perspective Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and Popular Organisation [Booklet] Reflexiones sobre la situación de Afganistán South Africa: Historic rupture or warring brothers again? Death or Renewal: Is the Climate Crisis the Final Crisis? Gleichheit und Freiheit stehen nicht zur Debatte! Contre la guerre au Kurdistan irakien, contre la traîtrise du PDK Meurtre de Clément Méric : l’enjeu politique du procès en appel International | Anarchist movement | en Fri 29 Mar, 23:57 Solidarity with Alfredo Cospito From Rojava 23:06 Mon 27 Mar 20 comments Solidarity statement with the anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito International Anarchist Statement for the First of May, 2022 22:39 Tue 03 May 15 comments 1st of May, 1886! 136 years ago today, the American working class created a priceless experience for the upcoming struggles of the working classes of the whole world by saying “this fight is our last fight!”. It remains a victory till our time. The demand of “8 hours for work, 8 hours for sleep, 8 hours for whatever we want” to replace the 16 hours of work and the assaults of capitalism which targeted the lives of the working classes then in the 19th century turned into a general strike in America. General strike has been one of the most significant weapons of the anarchist action as an earning to the history of the class struggle. For anarchists, the struggle for 8 hours has never been seen as a simple request for reform. Anarchists fought to replace it with a social revolution, with the claim that “Regardless of our working time, whether it be 2 hours or 8 hours, it is slavery if we work for bosses”. [Castellano] 65 years of the FAU 17:43 Fri 29 Oct 0 comments We recognise the FAU's contributions to the libertarian movement and the sacrifice of comrades past and present. We send our congratulations on the 65th anniversary of the FAU. In solidarity with the struggle for freedom and socialism, the undersigned Anarchist-Communist groups of Oceania. Recent publications and new editions from Zabalaza Books 00:29 Sat 20 Jun 0 comments Over the past 18 months Zabalaza Books has published over two dozen new publications or new editions of previous publications, all of which can be read online or downloaded in PDF format from the Zabalaza Books website. Read the full list of titles and overviews of their contents, with links to the full texts, below. Launch statement of the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA) 02:28 Tue 17 Dec 0 comments After a series of meetings and instances, anarchist political organizations in Latin America have decided to relaunch the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA), within the framework of this complex political and social context that our continent is living through. We, anarchists and libertarian communists in the class struggle in capitalist Europe 05:38 Mon 11 Dec 1 comments The European organizations which are part of the Anarkismo network met on the 18th and 19th of November in Genoa. We discussed and exchanged, thought and reflected together, attempting as a network to plan a strategy for forward movement.
Delegations from Wales, France, Italy, Switzerland and Ireland - with a warm solidarity statement from our Catalan comrades of Embat - expressed the need to clarify and deepen our common work. Considerations of the Anarkismo network about the accusations against Michael Schmidt 19:31 Sat 30 Jan 23 comments The Anarkismo network has already published a statement that it would wait until all parts of the accusations by Reid Ross and Stephens were published, as well as the answers of M. Schmidt, before making any judgements on the case. Now that this has been forthcoming, as well as two more responses by Reid Ross, we are issuing a second statement to make public our intentions regarding the present situation. Statement For Rojava 16:44 Sun 30 Aug 0 comments This is a solidarity Statement For Rojava from an old group that is reviving itself somewhat: Neither East Nor West-NYC Anarkismo message of support to 1st Congress of Columna Libertaria Joaquín Penina 18:47 Wed 22 Apr 0 comments We are very pleased to be able to congratulate you on the realisation of your First Congress as a specific anarchist political organisation. In light of the disbanding of the Federación Anarco-Comunista Argentina we believe that this is a very important step both for our shared especifista tendency as well as for the development of anarchism in general, both in Argentina and the region. Anarchist Women: "Long Live Freedom, Long Live Anarchism!" 01:08 Thu 01 Jan 0 comments Anarchist Women attending to the Young Women Conference, in a small village Amara which is in Urfa (Kurdistan), made a speech on the resistance in Kobane, the effect of women on this resistance and women's freedom struggle. more >>Thoughts on Revolution Mar 22 11 comments In response to a paper by the anarchist Ron Tabor in which he re-thinks revolutionary politics. Bakunin, Malatesta and the Platform Debate Jun 01 15 comments The present text —the core of which was taken from the introduction that we wrote for the French edition of Social Anarchism and Organization, by the Anarchist Federation of Rio de Janeiro (FARJ)[1]— aims to discuss the question of the specific anarchist political organization, based on the contributions of Mikhail Bakunin, Errico Malatesta and the Organizational Platform for a General Union of Anarchists, written by militants organized around the magazine Dielo Trudá, among whom were Nestor Makhno and Piotr Archinov. We are going to take up the contributions of Bakunin and Malatesta to establish a dialogue between them and the Platform, trace the similarities and differences between the proposals of anarchists who advocate an organizational dualism and those of the Bolsheviks, and we will see the proximity of Malatesta with the Synthesis, as well as the historical impact of the Platform, which will make it possible to elucidate the positions that have been disseminated about this debate. Organizational Issues Within Anarchism May 03 5 comments The present text aims to discuss, from a theoretical-historical perspective, some organizational issues related to anarchism. It responds to the assertion, constantly repeated, that anarchist ideology or doctrine is essentially spontaneous and contrary to organization. Returning to the debate among anarchists about organization, this article maintains that there are three fundamental positions on the matter: those who are against organization and / or defend informal formations in small groups (anti-organizationism); supporters of organization only at the mass level (syndicalism and communitarianism), and those who point out the need for organization on two levels, the political-ideological and the mass (organizational dualism). This text delves into the positions of the third current, bringing theoretical elements from Mikhail Bakunin and then presenting a historical case in which the anarchists held, in theory and in practice, that position: the activity of the Federation of Anarchist Communists of Bulgaria (FAKB) between the twenties and forties of the twentieth century. [Português] [Castellano] Create a Strong People Apr 25 3 comments To begin the discussion on popular power it is important to return to the idea of a strategy of social transformation, since our political practice, as anarchists, is what could point toward this transformation. Anarchism, Power, Class and Social Change Feb 17 0 comments The theoretical elements and historical experiences discussed undergird the theses developed throughout this article. Anarchists have a conception of power and a general project around it that forms their conception of class, understood in relation to a certain type of power (domination), and constitutes the foundation of their notion of social change, which is characterized by: their belief in the capacity for action of the subjects that are part of the distinct oppressed classes, their implication in the transformation of that capacity into social force, their commitment to permanent growth of this force, and their defense of a revolutionary process that allows for overcoming enemy forces and replacing the power of domination over society by a self-managing power. more >>International Anarchist Statement for the First of May, 2022 May 03 15 comments 1st of May, 1886! 136 years ago today, the American working class created a priceless experience for the upcoming struggles of the working classes of the whole world by saying “this fight is our last fight!”. It remains a victory till our time. The demand of “8 hours for work, 8 hours for sleep, 8 hours for whatever we want” to replace the 16 hours of work and the assaults of capitalism which targeted the lives of the working classes then in the 19th century turned into a general strike in America. General strike has been one of the most significant weapons of the anarchist action as an earning to the history of the class struggle. For anarchists, the struggle for 8 hours has never been seen as a simple request for reform. Anarchists fought to replace it with a social revolution, with the claim that “Regardless of our working time, whether it be 2 hours or 8 hours, it is slavery if we work for bosses”. [Castellano] 65 years of the FAU Oct 29 0 comments We recognise the FAU's contributions to the libertarian movement and the sacrifice of comrades past and present. We send our congratulations on the 65th anniversary of the FAU. In solidarity with the struggle for freedom and socialism, the undersigned Anarchist-Communist groups of Oceania. Recent publications and new editions from Zabalaza Books Jun 20 0 comments Over the past 18 months Zabalaza Books has published over two dozen new publications or new editions of previous publications, all of which can be read online or downloaded in PDF format from the Zabalaza Books website. Read the full list of titles and overviews of their contents, with links to the full texts, below. Launch statement of the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA) Dec 17 CALA 0 comments After a series of meetings and instances, anarchist political organizations in Latin America have decided to relaunch the Latin American Anarchist Coordination (CALA), within the framework of this complex political and social context that our continent is living through. We, anarchists and libertarian communists in the class struggle in capitalist Europe Dec 11 AL/FdCA-AL-CGA-LSF-OSL-WSM 1 comments The European organizations which are part of the Anarkismo network met on the 18th and 19th of November in Genoa. We discussed and exchanged, thought and reflected together, attempting as a network to plan a strategy for forward movement.
Delegations from Wales, France, Italy, Switzerland and Ireland - with a warm solidarity statement from our Catalan comrades of Embat - expressed the need to clarify and deepen our common work. |
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Spring zu Komment: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13Wayne is right. The taking of political power by the working class does not imply the existence of a state. I think we need a neutral term to talk about institutions of political power -- the institutions through which the basic rules in society are made and enforced. I like the term "polity" to refer to this. The state is only one type of polity. It is the type of polity characteristic of class-divided society. Its existence as a hierarchical/bureacratic structure apart from the people (as Engels points out) is needed to make it functional for defending elite class interests. But it is possible for the people to govern their society without this sort of hierarchical institution, if they have institutions of political power rooted in direct democracy. What Wayne calls "direct rule of the people" would also be a type of polity. The working class in a revolutionary situation needs to consolidate this sort of polity -- i.e. it needs to "take power" in this direct, assembly-based way -- in order to liberate itself & defend the revolution.
The Bordigists and Leninists were misled about the intent of the Friends of Durruti in part because the anti-power anarchist tendency in Spain called them "anarcho-Bolsheviks." But this was a factional smear. The Defense Councils proposed by the Friends were revolutionary committees that would be directly accountable to the assemblies at the base. Morever, the proposal of the Friends didn't come out of nowhere but is merely the extension of a debate internal to the Spanish CNT going back to July 1936 when the CNT local federation (labor council) of Bajo Llobregat proposed overthrowing the Generalitat and replacing it with a regional defense council elected by an assembly of delegates from all the union assemblies in Catalonia. The anti-power anarchists defeated that proposal at the time, but it was later taken up and approved as the national program of the CNT at a national conference in Sept 1936. Although the CNT could not get the national UGT to go along with overthrowing the Republic in favor of defense councils accountable to assemblies and congresses of delegates from assemblies, that was the CNT program and the Friends were merely trying to revive CNT commitment to this program in 1937. The Friends were also quite clear that industry was to managed, not by the Defense Councils but by the assemblies at the base.
One other point: I agree with Wayne's critique of the strategic conceptions put forth by Robin Hahnel in his most recent book Economic Justice and Democracy. But there is nothing inherent in participatory economics, as a post-capitalist economic program, that entails commitment to a reformist strategy. In fact I think that Hahnel is inconsistent since there is nothing in his strategy that would tend to develop self-management of struggles, but this is necessary to prefigure a participatrory, self-managed economic and social arrangement. I have written some things on this, for example:
http://www.zmag.org/content/showarticle.cfm?SectionID=41&ItemID=9811
My last essay on this list was on the need for anarchists to organize themselves. It got a lot of comments, including a number by anti-organizational anarchists. This was a hot topic. But this time, I wrote about the state, in opposition to concepts of a "workers' state" but in favor of nonstatist institutions (a "polity" in Tom's terminology), and in opposition to the notions held by many anarchists of gradual replacement of capitalist institutions by alternate institutions. These views are held by many anarchists and are quite controversal among anarchists yet there were no reactions. I guess this tells us something about who reads this list.
Well, I tried re-posting this essay to Infoshop.org and it was denied by Chuck0 if you want to count that as "comradely" disagreement with your views...
MaRK's experience is interesting. Maybe Chuck O though my essay was too long or he doesn't like my writing style. More likely he does not agree with the politics of the piece but does not want to engage about it. Too bad.
No, he just thought one or two sentences were a little too critical of infoshops:
http://anti-politics.net/forum/viewtopic.php?t=1123&start=15
Whatever.
I'd appreciate it if you would also submit these articles to http://anarchistnews.org. I usually find them (and repost) but sometimes it takes days. I find the discussions that result from Wayne's articles to always be lively and interesting.
Thanks to MaRK for showing me that there was, after all, a lenghty discussion sparked off by my piece (see MaRK's last post). It seems that MaRK had offered the essay to Info-Shop and its editor-dictator, the "Reverend Chuck O," rejected it. Under pressure, Chuck gave some reasons:
" Wayne Price normally writes some good stuff, but I rejected this piece because it included a dishonest, sectarian attack on the infoshops movement. I don't know if Wayne is delibrately trying to throw mud on the majority of American anarchists as part of the "war on lifestylism" or if he is just ignorant about that movement. The infoshop movement is a crucial component of building a radical infrastructure for the base of everything we do as anarchists. The labor movement in the early 19th century relied on a similar movement and the American conservative movement today relies on something similar to the infoshop movement, although their movement infrastructure is much broader (think tanks, churches, TV stations)."
Now, as any reader can see, I hardly mentioned info-shops. I did say that they, and cooperatives, were "good in themselves" and good as "auxileries" to the movement, but, I argued, they were not the "main STRATEGY" for ending capitalism and the state (emphasis in original). I made no reference to "lifestylism," pro or con (I don't think I ever have, not being Bookchin). Yet Chuck publicly accuses me of being dishonest, sectarian, attacking, ignorant, and throwing mud on the majority of U.S. anarchists. This is absurd. Clearly the real problem is that he does not agree with the politics I am raising (revolutionary vs.reformist anarchism), he does not believe that it would be useful for the anarchist movement to discuss them, and so he kept them off of his site (as he has the power to do).
P.S. If anyone wishes to pass on any of my articles to other sites (with an acknowledgement to Anarkismo.net), they have complete permission to do so.
Isn't this just a rehash of "State and Revolution", Lenin's 1917 work that fooled quite a few anarchists into believing that the Bolsheviks meant it when they talked about "All Power to the Soviets"?
We shouldn't discount the constant danger that even the "workers councils" can be taken over and dominated by statist parties ala the Bolshies.
Talk of the working class constituting itself as the "ruling class" is problematic in that, as Bakunin noted, if the working class is the ruling class, over whom will it rule? The capitalists? But they have been exprorpiated and are therefor no longer capitalists. They will still have a capitalist mentality. But so will a lot of working stiffs? Are they to be ruled over as well, for how long? How are the rules of the new ruling class going to be enforced? Are we talking about a police force, prisons, concentration camps? These are questions that always pop to mind when people start talking about "seizing power". The historic mission of the working class is not to set itself up as the "ruling class" but to abolish itself as a class, along with all other classes.
I believe that the power we need to seize is economic power; to get control over the means of life.
One other small point of contention. Not all "pro-organization" anarchists are supporters of the Platform. Indeed, a majority of pro-organization anarchists don't support the Plafform and never have.
I find it difficult to deal with this sort of response. What did I actually WRITE that he disagrees with? I have no idea. He does not bother to explain. Given the briefness of my essay, it is astonishing how many misinterpretations of what I said were created by this reader.
*Isn't this just a rehash of "State and Revolution", *
Well, no. Lenin advocated setting up a new state, whereas I make several arguments why we should not be for a new state.
*We shouldn't discount the constant danger that even the "workers councils" can be taken over and dominated by statist parties ala the Bolshies.* True enough. Is this supposed to be an argument for NOT replacing the state with workers' and community councils? Or what?
*Talk of the working class constituting itself as the "ruling class" is problematic in that, as Bakunin noted, if the working class is the ruling class, over whom will it rule? The capitalists? But they have been expropiated and are therefore no longer capitalists. * I pre-responded to this argument by saying that this was only true in tendency, and noting that the effects of capitalism and oppression would not immediately go away. The writer acts as if I had not written this.
* Are we talking about a police force, prisons, concentration camps? * No we are not, as my little essay was quite clear in saying.
*These are questions that always pop to mind when people start talking about "seizing power".* But few people are interested in your thought associations. Re-read my essay and respond to what I wrote about this.
*The historic mission of the working class is not to set itself up as the "ruling class" but to abolish itself as a class, along with all other classes.* So I explicitly stated.
*I believe that the power we need to seize is economic power; to get control over the means of life.* Oh, so you are for the working class and oppressed seizing power. Good. Now how shall the workers defend this economic power from counterrevolutionary armies and conspiracies? Huh?
*One other small point of contention. Not all "pro-organization" anarchists are supporters of the Platform. Indeed, a majority of pro-organization anarchists don't support the Plafform and never have.*
This implies that I had (falsely) written that "a majority of pro-organization anarchists...support the Platform." Where? What did I write that makes this reader think that I believe this? Nothing in this essay. In my last essay (on organization) I noted that Platformists were only one tendency in pro-organizational anarchism.
Oh well, I guess there is no defense against someone who is determined to mis-read an essay.
People are social animals. They build communities and expand them. They organize. Natural leaders emerge and inevitably take control. New institutions appear.
You can knock down the walls of the state but you can be sure that they will come right back again. Better to work with what you have got rather than reinventing the wheel.
http://www.flykill.co.uk
An institution is just a stable arrangement for making decisions, and living and doing things together. It need not imply that there is a class that rules and dominates others. "Leadership" is a slippery term. If someone in a union or community organization is good at coming up with ideas, suggesting direction, that is "showing leadership." But it doesn't imply holding some formal position of power over others nor does it imply that others may not "exercize leadership" at
times also. Decsision-making and expertise tend to be concentrated, with a minority being in control,
within capitalism, but that is because of its particular class structure, it is not inherent in human nature. In a society where the latent abilities of everyone, and not just a more privileged minority (the professional/managerial segment at present), are developed, and skill and expertise are more widespread, there is less danger of concentration of power. But power itself can't be abolished. It's a question of who has it -- elites or the population en masse. Any society will require a set of institutions for making and enforcing the basic rules of the society. To have a society without classes means that no one can hire anyone to work for them for wages, as their employee, taking orders from them. For that structure of classlessness to continue it has to be enforced. Moreover, just setting up that stucture of classlessness presupposes a society-wide decision to do so. That means there has to be an institution through which the working class community as a whole makes that decision, imposes that structure of classlessness on the society. That is a structure of political power. Power is "political" when it deals with issues that pertain to the entire society, its rules and structure, and its self-defense. This is what I call a "polity," a structure of governance. It will inevitably exist, but it need not be a state. A state is hierarchical type of polity where the power is concentrated through hierarchical chain of command structures, and the mass of people have no effective control over what it does. Again, that is not the only possible form of political governance structure because that is not the only way for a society to be governed. A society could be so structured that it directly governs itself. This is the application of collective self-management to public affairs in general.
*You can knock down the walls of the state but you can be sure that they will come right back again. Better to work with what you have got rather than reinventing the wheel.*
Yes, that is what they said about abolishing slavery. It is also what they said against the bourgeois- democratic revolutionaries like John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. There can be no change. Everything is shit and will always be shit. So give it up and just try to improve things on the margins, such as bigger cages and softer chains for us workers.
Well, I do not think that a perfect society will ever happen. But the very fact, as the writer says, that people are social animals, means that we can reorganize ourselves in various ways.
Otherwise, what? Wait until capitalist industrialism completely destroys the ecological environment? Or sets off a series of nuclear wars?
There is no guarantee. But there can be hope.
A PDF pamphlet of this text is now available from the Zabalaza Books site or directly from the link below:
http://www.zabalaza.net/pdfs/varpams/program_&_confronting_power_wp.pdf
The above pamphlet also includes the text "Our Program is the Anarchist Revolution!" by the same author found at:
http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=2725
Salut y Anarquia,
G.