An anarchist assessment of the DLF at COP17
Failures of democracy have been a big part of the history of the DLF. We in the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF) have had to raise such challenges several times (see “DLF structure: concerns and proposals” by ZACF). We have long been troubled by the lack of proper democratic structures, by a leadership that consists far more of middle-class intellectuals than of grassroots militants, and by a programme that seems to be determined in advance by the academic and NGO interests of these intellectuals instead of by the immediate needs of the workers and the poor.
And the whole programme was the same story: leaders deciding without considering what the masses want. From the moment we arrived we were herded from one place to another. We were told what the programme was and where to be when, but we were not consulted or involved in determining the programme in the first place. Of course, they will tell us that we could have been involved in developing the programme had we attended and been involved in the COP17 civil society planning meetings prior to going to Durban, but how many people from the townships could get to Johannesburg for these? By opening these meetings to us, while knowing very well that very few working class comrades would be able to attend regularly, they only pay lip service to the democratic development of the political programme.
We carried out an illegal march, but many of the people that marched seemed not to be aware at the time that the march was illegal and that they could therefore have faced arrest. This is authoritarian and undemocratic, as the members themselves - the ones who could have been arrested for marching illegally - should have been involved in deliberating and deciding whether or not to march. It is not democratic for the leaders to put us at risk of facing arrest and then only tell us afterwards, or as an aside, that it was an illegal march.
We were told that we would be delivering a memorandum. By the time we left Durban many comrades were still unsure as to whether or not the memorandum had been delivered and, if so, who received it. We were not consulted or involved in drafting the memorandum and, perhaps worse, it was not even read to us for our approval prior to it being delivered.
When grassroots comrades expressed that they were tired of the programme and wanted to go to the beach they were sent from pillar to post. First we were supposed to go to the beach after the march, then we were told we were going the next morning, then the next afternoon. In the end comrades got so frustrated they simply walked out of the programme and went to the beach. All the indecision and going backwards and forwards between the leadership left many comrades feeling frustrated, and this was sometimes taken out on the marshals - causing friction within the grassroots organisations that make up the base of the DLF.
And perhaps the worst display of authoritarian leadership occurred at the march on the international day of action. The night before the march we as the DLF had unanimously decided to march peacefully, but that if attacked we would defend ourselves. When we were attacked by ANC thugs on the day of the march DLF leaders actively disarmed activists by taking away the flag-poles they were using to defend themselves. A short while later DLF leadership asked the police to stand between us and the "Green Bombers". This was in blatant disregard of the decision, taken the previous night, by the entire DLF membership to defend ourselves from attack. It was also a betrayal of our class to call in the class enemy to defend us in such a minor altercation. One last example of how the leadership places more importance on their political programme than the will of the people came on the last day, when leaders pleaded with us to stay an extra two hours for the Climate Jobs booklet launch, so that they could impress their funders and international contacts. The result of this, however, is that comrades were almost left stranded at night in Johannesburg and had to make last minute arrangements to be accommodated by other comrades as it was too late for them to catch connecting buses and taxis to their final destinations. That this would be a problem if we stayed longer in Durban was raised with the leadership, but our concerns fell on deaf ears.
Of even more concern than the lack of democracy and participation, however, is the fact that the style of leadership of the current leaders actually threatened to cause division within the working class and community organisations. This is because of the top-down leadership style that was practised. Because the marshals - who represented a much more legitimate leadership than the official leadership - were the only point of contact between the leaders and the masses, they came under criticism from the base every time the leadership messed us around by making and changing decisions without our participation, and then having them transmitted to us by the marshals, who were often not involved in making decisions either.
We have to ask ourselves then, comrades, if this is the DLF we want to build? A DLF where the leadership makes all the political decisions and the members are just expected to follow them. A DLF where the leaders eat different food and stay in different accommodation to the majority. A DLF where the leadership can get away with going against the decisions of the people. If that is the DLF we are building, what will the socialism we are fighting for look like?
Having lived and struggled with comrades on the ground for almost a week, having experienced the same challenges and disappointments and listened to comrades grievances and desires, I think I can say that this is not the kind of DLF we want to build.
We do not want a DLF where the leadership is removed from the base, a DLF where decisions are taken from above. We do not want a socialism where the leadership eat different food and stay in different accommodation to the masses. Socialism means that we are all leaders, and that we all therefore share in the burden and the fruits of struggle together, side-by-side.
The problem here is not that the current DLF leadership are bad people, or that they intentionally put people in poor accommodation and gave them food that was not to their liking. Neither do I think that the political programme was made to bore and confuse people. And we all have reason to welcome the opportunities that COP17 gave us to come together, to share our experiences and ideas. I must be clear that my criticisms are political. The gap between the DLF leadership and the grassroots comrades is the result of a particular approach to viewing and organising movements. A view that suggests that a minority of intellectuals have all the right strategies and answers, and the working class constituents must just follow along. Rather than being collectively deliberated and determined at the grassroots, the political programme of the DLF has by-and-large been decided by the leadership, who have then sought 'mass' support for it through mobilisation and organising on the ground. This has to some extent been successful and the fact that the DLF was able to mobilise around 500 people from across the country for COP17 suggests that this campaign really does speak to the needs and struggles on the ground. However, despite finding a lot of support from below, planning and mobilising for COP17 was largely done in a centralised and top-down manner by a relatively small group of intellectuals and academics. It was because of this that the political programme did not really meet the majority of people's expectations and, as such, it is because of this that the grassroots militants of the DLF were less engaged than they could have been and, indeed, assumed relatively little responsibility over driving the entire process. This needs to change. In order to safeguard against too much power and responsibility being invested in just a few people, thus leading to undemocratic practices, we need to ensure that our political programmes are collectively determined at a grassroots level by the activists that make up the base of the DLF, and not by an intellectual minority. In so doing, comrades will be encouraged to assume greater responsibility over collectively driving the process of building the DLF.