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southern africa / workplace struggles Tuesday June 27, 2017 23:19 by Mandy Moussouris
Credit: eNCA / Xoli Mngambi
The labour movement has been unable to de-link itself from its archenemy: capital. As its structures bureaucratise, as its leaders become career unionists, as it opens investment companies and pays staff increasingly inequitable salaries, it increasingly mirrors the very thing it is fighting. If the South African Federation of Trade Unions is to meet its promise, it must be fundamentally different from the organisation it was born out of.A federation will not liberate the class, nor will its affiliates; only the working class can liberate itself and it will never be able to do that as long as there is an implicit belief in a Great Leader/s; as long as the union is seen as a legal service and as long as power and money are centralised. A truly participatory, democratic trade union would be one where the locals/branches of each affiliate control the membership dues collected, where they would use their dues to do work on the ground and put some aside for provincial and national work; where the workers have direct ownership of the means of trade union production (negotiation, representation, mobilisation) and where the extremely loosely used term, democracy, translates into individual worker agency and empowerment to ensure that the base, the majority, the working class, is where true power lies, and that it uses its power to change the world for the benefit of the many.
international / anarchist movement Thursday June 22, 2017 23:55 by Anarkismo Network
 39 comments (last - thursday july 13, 2017 21:57)
When we have to deal with disagreements, conflicts and faults, these problems must be solved with a justice that is based on our libertarian ethical values. What does this concretely mean? That we have to hear all the parties involved and make sure to provide physical and psychological protection too all, especially if someone has – at least presumably – been hurt. In cases of sexual violence – for instance – we should not reproduce the bias of bourgeois patriarchal so-called “justice” that too frequently isolates (female) survivors and dismisses their feelings and words. It means that we have to establish means to examine the different positions and eliminate any doubts. That we have to have democratic and collective processes to deal with that and to take decisions and make recommendations. And, mainly, that we must first try to reeducate people instead of punishing or isolating them. Not that in some cases punishment or isolation couldn’t be the only solution, but, at least, we have to make (re)education a priority over punishment and isolation, which should be last resorts.
To deal with these problems within our movement instances of ethical justice that aim to resolve major disagreements, conflicts and faults are necessary. These instance, such as an “ethics commission” for example, could be convened and articulated whenever one or more militants within our movement or organizations identify a problem of this kind and ask formally for the establishment of a commission. The establishment of a commission (or the denial) would be the result of a collective decision made by the deliberative and decision-making bodies of the respective organizations. If a commission is established, then a certain number of militants not involved with the case could be mandated to constitute the commission and be given a deadline to listen to the different parties involved, to develop positions, eliminate doubts and then to produce a written document with a position and recommendations to the respective organization.
southern africa / community struggles Thursday June 08, 2017 02:20 by Jonathan Payn
Women erecting a makeshift shelter at Bush Koppies. Photo: Lekhetho Mtetwa (ZACF)
The struggle of the black working class majority of Freedom Park, South Africa, is not just for land on which to build housing – although that is obviously a central issue and key demand; nor is it just against the accompanying political and police violence and intimidation. It is a struggle against the injustice, violence and corruption of a system that puts the power, privileges and profits of a few before the lives and wellbeing of the majority.
brazil/guyana/suriname/fguiana / miscellaneous Tuesday May 30, 2017 06:32 by Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira
1 comment (last - saturday may 27, 2017 22:20)
Corte de rua e barricada no estado do Paraná.
O Brasil vive um terremoto político, escancarando a podridão das elites do país e fragilizando ainda mais os laços que as sustentam no poder. A operação orquestrada que possibilitou a gravação entre o presidente Michel Temer e o dono da JBS, maior empresa de carnes do mundo, altera a correlação de forças no país e joga gasolina na crise política e social. Com a instabilidade política, o governo tem mais dificuldade para mobilizar sua base e avançar com as Reformas da Previdência e Trabalhista, os maiores ataques à classe oprimida. Isso não é motivo para se comemorar, não devemos tirar peso destas lutas. Agora é a hora de partir pra cima, massificar as mobilizações com o trancamento das ruas, paralisações rumo à greve geral para barrar os cortes sociais e as reformas. Devemos aprofundar a democracia, mas a democracia direta, onde as/os trabalhadoras/es nos seus locais de trabalho, estudo e moradia decidam o rumo do país. O momento é desfavorável para nós oprimidos e oprimidas, mas a crise e a disputa entre as elites abrem margem para outros projetos.
[Castellano] [English] [Italiano]
iberia / historia del anarquismo Wednesday May 24, 2017 16:46 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
El libro de Carretero Miramar es corto, pero está repleto de ideas para ayudar en ese camino. Cada capítulo abre mil interrogantes, estimula mil ideas, abre cientos de puertas a reflexiones en particular. Es un libro, que más que desarrollar ideas acabadas, incita al pensamiento crítico del lector. Y eso es lo que más se agradece de un libro en estos momentos. |
Thu 12 Dec, 06:03
Πρέπει να συνεχίσουμε τις κινητοποιήσεις και να ενδυναμώσουμε τις οργανώσεις της τάξης μας, τις τοπικές συνελεύσεις, τις οργανώσεις για τα δικαιώματα των γυναικών, τα έμφυλα και φεμινιστικά παραβατικά υποκείμενα, τις συνελεύσεις, τους συντονισμούς της υπεράσπισης της γης και του νερού, τις οργανώσεις των αυτόχθονων πληθυσμών και να ενισχυθεί ο πρωταγωνιστικός ρόλος του λαού στα συνδικάτα, τις ομοσπονδίες και τα μαθητικά κέντρα. Há um tema delicado, uma forma de gerar o medo e criar factoides sem fim, vindos do Palácio do Planalto, durante o desgoverno de Jair Bolsonaro e Paulo Guedes. O tema dos decretos de Garantia da Lei e da Ordem, além de ser uma herança maldita e esdrúxula da ditadura, é também uma imposição no texto constituinte, assim como a defesa interna atribuída aos quartéis - outra excrescência do governo da Arena de Sarney com o PMDB e sob tutela ainda da milicada – é uma tentação permanente de autoritarismo. In the month of October 2019, there have been events in Latin America and in the world that mark a time of people in the streets and struggle. Let's start by analyzing the scenario in the Middle East. [Castellano] Bus drivers in Auckland, Aotearoa/New Zealand have been locked out by their bosses. As the Young Workers Association, we were at the crisis rally in Bakırköy with our slogans, black flags and rebellion. Last week we have distributed leaflets, made posters on the walls in different parts of the city. To raise the anger of the oppressed ones. Η Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union of Africa (Ένωση Βιομηχανικών και Εμπορικών Εργατών Αφρικής - ICU) ιδρύθηκε στο Κέιπ Τάουν το 1919. Το 1920 συγχωνεύθηκε με την επαναστατική συνδικαλιστική ένωση, Industrial Workers of Africa (Βιομηχανικοί Εργάτες της Αφρικής) και άλλα συνδικάτα. Μεγάλωσε ταχύτατα στη Νότια Αφρική μεταξύ της έγχρωμης και μαύρης εργατικής τάξης και των εκμισθωτών γης. Εξαπλώθηκε επίσης, τις δεκαετίες του 1920 και του 1930, σε γειτονικές χώρες. Ας μην τρέφουμε αυταπάτες. Ο ακροδεξιός συμβιβασμός με την φιλελεύθερη αστική δημοκρατία είναι απλά μια τακτική κίνηση. Το πραγματικό πνεύμα της ακροδεξιάς εκκολάπτετε μέσα στο αυγό του φιδιού. Απλά καλύπτεται με έναν θεσμικό νομιμόφρονά μανδύα του εθνοσωτήρα από τους νεοφασίστες με σκοπό να κερδίσει την ευυποληψία και να κερδίσει την εξουσία. Σε αυτό το ιδεολογικό παιχνίδι της εξουσίας το μυαλό όπως πάντα είναι ο στόχος. Είναι πασιφανές ότι πρέπει όχι μόνο να αντισταθούμε σε αυτή την θεσμική λοβοτομή αλλά να καταδείξουμε ότι η κοινωνία δεν πρόκειται να κάνει πίσω προς όφελος ενός υπερφίαλου σωβινισμού. Η ακροδεξιά στην κυβέρνηση στοχεύει στην αποδόμηση της κοινοτυπίας του κακού.
Ya han pasado las elecciones. Recién el jueves 28 se ha confirmado ha ganado la fórmula Luis Lacalle Pou-Beatriz Argimón, marcando un retorno de la derecha clásica a la administración del Estado. Los sectores del establecimiento interesados en mantener el status quo, buscan reproducir el modelo de negociación con las FARC-EP pero con la protesta social: desmovilizarla, que terminen aceptando que no se discutirá ni el Estado ni el modelo, y luego mandarlos para la casa. Mientras prosigue la matazón de los más revoltosos y ruidosos. Y el país como si nada. A continuación, analizamos la semana de protesta nacional vivida en Colombia tras el paro del 21 de noviembre hasta el día 27 del mismo mes. Detallamos el desarrollo de las jornadas centrando nuestra visión en Bogotá y en el día a día del paro; evaluamos el significado de la irrupción espontánea del movimiento y reseñamos algunos elementos comunes de la protesta, al tiempo que, proponemos algunas líneas de acción para fortalecerla. A report on a meeting by the Right-wing New Conservatives party in Aotearoa/New Zealand Η Διεθνής Συνομοσπονδία Εργασίας και οι κατά τόπους ενώσεις της προσυπογράφουν και υποστηρίζουν τη διαδήλωση που καλείται στην Αθήνα για τις 30 Νοεμβρίου 2019 από το ελληνικό μας τμήμα την ΕΣΕ μαζί με ένα ευρύ αριθμό πρωτοβάθμιων σωματείων. Colombia’s national civic strike is paving the way for a rural-urban coalition of protesters and movements that together can take on President Duque’s right-wing government.
Regarding recent events in Bolivia, some things are simple: Was it a coup? Yes. On Sunday, November 10, the commander-in-chief of Bolivia’s armed forces, General Williams Kaliman, publicly told Evo Morales, a constitutionally elected president, that he ought to resign for the good of the country. There is no other name for this kind of thing. Even if Evo had been officially accused of legal wrongdoing – he had not – this procedure of removal is unconstitutional. The resignation took place under an unstated threat of violence. Bolivia’s history gives reason to take this threat seriously: military coups and counter-coups were a decisive feature of political life throughout the twentieth century. And considering that the police, two days before the general’s intervention, had already decided to allow anti-government protestors to commit violence against the homes and family-members of supporters of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) party, to which Evo belongs, Kaliman’s remarks carried weight well beyond a “suggestion.” La grève nationale du 21 novembre en Colombie, qui a vu des centaines de milliers, sinon des millions de personnes, occuper les rues et défier la répression et le couvre-feu sur tout le territoire, constitue sans aucun doute une des mobilisations les plus importantes de ces dernières décennies. Elle est remarquable non seulement par son caractère massif, mais en outre par son protagoniste : les secteurs populaires urbains, qui ne s’étaient plus mobilisés ainsi depuis la période de luttes des années 1970 et 1980. [Castellano] Όχι σε κόμματα. Οι εργασιακές διεκδικήσεις είναι ο πυρήνας γύρω από τον οποίο θα συσπειρωθούμε. Υπέρτατο όργανο του σωματείου, η γενική συνέλευση. Ο χώρος που όλοι μιλάμε και συνδιαμορφώνουμε. Να μην θέλουμε πια αντιπρόσωπο στον οποίο θα αναθέσουμε την ελπίδα μας.
The "Battle of Seattle," which began November 30th, 1999, was a major event in the history of US radical struggle, and one of the high-points of the "non-violent direct action movement." Exactly 20 years later, Robin J. Cartwright analyzes the the rise, fall, and inner contradictions of the non-violent direct action movement, as well as the lessons we can learn from it today. A inicios del siglo XX el chivo expiatorio eran los anarquistas y los comunistas, “come niños y adoradores del diablo”, hoy son los correístas. A nadie le sirve desenmarcarse del correísmo para escapar a la persecución, vienen por todos los “sospechosos”. De todas formas, en este momento, como dijo un amigo días atrás “si no eres correísta te hacen, no hay de otra”. 25 Kasım yaklaşıyor... Dünyanın her yerinde, kadınlar şiddete karşı mücadelenin sembolü olan 25 Kasım'da sokaklara çıkmaya hazırlanıyor. Biz de erkeklerin egemen olduğu bu dünyada "İsyan!" diyerek çıktık yola, her gün yaşadığımız şiddetin son bulması için tek çaremizin örgütlenmek olduğunu bilerek... “The day of women’s act and struggle against the violence all around the world, 25th November is upcoming... This year, we will be on the streets again, while feeling inside the anger surrounded by hope, a motto uprising on our tongues, with our determination for what we want. For our lives, for our freedom.” Aunque sea acertado entender los sucesos de Colombia desde la perspectiva de las revueltas anti-neoliberales que han sacudido a Ecuador, Haití y a Chile, lo cierto es que estas protestas son también fruto de un proceso de acumulación doméstico de una década. [Français] Declaración FAO sobre el alzamiento popular iniciado en octubre de 2019 en la región chilena y posicionamiento sobre la coyuntura. La jornada de paro cívico nacional realizada hoy jueves 21 de noviembre ha sido un hecho de grandes proporciones históricas. Γι’ αυτό μιλώ για μια οργάνωση αναρχικών που να στηρίζεται πάνω στην αρχή της συντροφικής πειθαρχίας. Μια τέτοια οργάνωση θα οδηγούσε στον απαραίτητο εκείνο συντονισμό όλων των ζωντανών δυνάμεων του αναρχισμού στη χώρα και θα βοηθούσε τους αναρχικούς να καταλάβουν τη θέση που τους ανήκει στον σπουδαίο αγώνα της εργασίας ενάντια στο κεφάλαιο. Μόνο κατ' αυτό τον τρόπο μπορεί η ιδέα του αναρχισμού να κερδίσει μαζική υπόσταση και να μην παραμένει αποδυναμωμένη. El próximo jueves 21 de noviembre diferentes organizaciones sociales han convocado un nuevo paro cívico nacional contra las políticas económicas y sociales del gobierno de Iván Duque. En este escrito, presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre el nuevo escenario del paro, la situación de defensiva del gobierno Duque, el estado del movimiento popular en vísperas del paro y las perspectivas del Grupo Libertario Vía Libre sobre la situación. Mandy Moussouris and Shawn Hattingh explain the roots and principles of anarcho-syndicalism and what these mean for the practice of worker education in movements inspired by these principles and traditions. Emphasising the democratic practice, working class rooted, organic and critical nature of the pedagogy, they explain that the practice seeks to intersect employed and unemployed women and men. Practically, the education provides a platform for post-revolutionary practice of direct democracy at the point of production and, thus, naturally included practical skills such as trades, accounting and sciences. En el mes de octubre de 2019 se han producido hechos en América Latina y en el mundo que marcan un tiempo de pueblos en las calles, que marcan tiempos de lucha. Comencemos por analizar el escenario en Oriente Medio. [English] Tensión en el territorio chileno, las movilizaciones más masivas desde el retorno a la democracia, y tal vez de la historia desafían al supuesto oasis del neoliberalismo construidos en estos 46 años posterior al golpe de Estado, con una dictadura que derrocó el proyecto de la Unidad Popular y maduró un modelo económico neoliberal, sin duda un oasis para el empresariado transnacional. La crisis fundante que hace eco en cada demanda levantada por el pueblo chileno, es ese modelo construido en dictadura donde la extrema codicia de la clase dominante, que bajo el amparo de una constitución fundada para implementar “El saqueo de Chile”, no tuvo escrúpulos en robar absolutamente todo. Όπως και να έχει, οι αναρχικοί άλλοτε ως φορείς συλλογικότητας, άλλοτε ως απεγνωσμένοι «ελεύθεροι σκοπευτές» τροφοδότησαν και τροφοδοτούν την κοινωνία με όλους εκείνους τους σπόρους αμφισβήτησης, εξέγερσης, γκρεμίσματος ειδώλων και προκαταλήψεων, άνοιξαν με υπομονή και ανυπολόγιστο κόστος όλες εκείνες τις κρίσιμες ρωγμές ελευθερίας από τον άτεγκτο, σιδερένιο κλουβί στο οποίο μετέτρεψε την κοινωνία το κράτος και ο καπιταλισμός. Não se trata de um texto de agitação, mas a permanente tentativa de trazer algum debate mesmo no calor do momento. Aponto em forma de tópicos de modo a facilitar a compreensão. more >> |
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