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internacional / género Monday March 12, 2018 06:16 by SECRETARIADO PERMANENTE DEL COMITÉ CONFEDERAL
Ayer, al unísono en más de 140 países del mundo, de manera intercontinental, las mujeres bailaban juntas la misma danza contra el patriarcado. Las calles se llenaban de piquetes, se ultimaban las pancartas, globos, camisetas, se sonreía con la locura de la complicidad. Batucadas, caceroladas, marchas nocturnas, toma de edificios para pernoctar en ellos, asambleas feministas, reuniones para resolver dudas sindicales. La danza era imparable. Expectación e ilusión en el ambiente a partes iguales. Y la certeza absoluta de que nos hemos conjurado para hacer y cambiar la historia. ¡A las barricadas! Vea también:
internazionale / movimento anarchico Monday December 11, 2017 05:39 by EuroAnarkismo
Le organizzazioni europee federate nella rete Anarkismo si sono riunite tra il 18 e il 19 novembre a Genova. Abbiamo parlato e discusso, ragionato e pensato, provando a pianificare quelli che sono i nostri compiti da portare avanti, come rete, in Europa.
Le delegazioni provenienti da Galles, Francia, Italia, Svizzera e Irlanda, e un saluto caloroso dai compagni/e catalani di Embat, hanno espresso la necessità di seguire e sviluppare un intervento comune. [Français] [English] [Português] [Castellano] [Ελληνικά]
internacional / migración / racismo Thursday August 24, 2017 21:16 by Defend Mediterranea
 1 comment (last - monday august 28, 2017 23:53)
international / anarchist movement Thursday June 22, 2017 23:55 by Anarkismo Network
39 comments (last - thursday july 13, 2017 21:57)
When we have to deal with disagreements, conflicts and faults, these problems must be solved with a justice that is based on our libertarian ethical values. What does this concretely mean? That we have to hear all the parties involved and make sure to provide physical and psychological protection too all, especially if someone has – at least presumably – been hurt. In cases of sexual violence – for instance – we should not reproduce the bias of bourgeois patriarchal so-called “justice” that too frequently isolates (female) survivors and dismisses their feelings and words. It means that we have to establish means to examine the different positions and eliminate any doubts. That we have to have democratic and collective processes to deal with that and to take decisions and make recommendations. And, mainly, that we must first try to reeducate people instead of punishing or isolating them. Not that in some cases punishment or isolation couldn’t be the only solution, but, at least, we have to make (re)education a priority over punishment and isolation, which should be last resorts.
To deal with these problems within our movement instances of ethical justice that aim to resolve major disagreements, conflicts and faults are necessary. These instance, such as an “ethics commission” for example, could be convened and articulated whenever one or more militants within our movement or organizations identify a problem of this kind and ask formally for the establishment of a commission. The establishment of a commission (or the denial) would be the result of a collective decision made by the deliberative and decision-making bodies of the respective organizations. If a commission is established, then a certain number of militants not involved with the case could be mandated to constitute the commission and be given a deadline to listen to the different parties involved, to develop positions, eliminate doubts and then to produce a written document with a position and recommendations to the respective organization.
international / anarchist movement Tuesday March 28, 2017 18:50 by Anarkismo
6 comments (last - thursday april 13, 2017 06:25)
In our last statement on the Michael Schmidt case and accusations by journalists Alexander Reid Ross and Joshua Stephens that he is a fascist and white nationalist that attempted to infiltrate the anarchist movement, we said that the Anarkismo network had decided “to call for a commission of enquiry to investigate more closely both the accusations and the defence, and to make recommendations to the broader anarchist movement based on their findings”. Regrettably it has been over a year since we announced our intention to convene a commission of inquiry and it has not yet materialised. While we have recently started making progress once again on the call for a commission and will continue to work towards finalizing our proposal and framework, however, we have also had enough time now to debate aspects of the case both within and between some of the organisations in the network. New developments and information concerning the case have also come to our attention that must be addressed immediately. |
Wed 21 Nov, 17:52
Οι όμορφες γεωγραφίες του αναρχισμού - Από την εισαγωγή του βιβλίου του Simon Springer: Οι αναρχικές ρίζες της γεωγραφίας La situación mundial y latinoamericana vienen expresando elementos de un nuevo período marcado por la profundización de la injerencia del imperialismo norteamericano en todos los niveles. En el plano comercial la prepotencia yanqui viene provocando la reacción de China en una guerra de aranceles a la importación sin precedentes. Esta disputa entre las dos potencias capitalistas más importantes del planeta, más allá del cambio de socios comerciales, representa un abrupto viraje hacia el proteccionismo imperialista que solo beneficia a las burguesías de ambos países. Στο βιβλίο του "Οι αναρχικές ρίζες της γεωγραφίας", ο Simon Springer θέτει τις προϋποθέσεις για μια ριζοσπαστική πολιτική δυνατοτήτων και ελευθερίας μέσα από μια συζήτηση για τις εξεγερσιακές γεωγραφίες που καλύπτουν τις καθημερινές μας εμπειρίες. Προσεγγίζοντας τις αναρχικές γεωγραφίες ως καλειδοσκοπικές χωρικότητες που επιτρέπουν τη δημιουργία μη ιεραρχικών σχέσεων μεταξύ αυτόνομων οντοτήτων, ο Springer επιχειρεί να διαμορφώσει μια νέα πολιτική φαντασία.
Thousands of Google employees throughout the United States and around the world walked off their jobs yesterday, Nov. 1, “to protest sexual harassment, misconduct, lack of transparency, and a workplace that doesn’t work for everyone.” Beginning in Singapore and working its way around the globe the movement closed Google offices from Mountain View, California, in Boulder and New York, as well as in London, Dublin, Zurich and Berlin.
KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 96, October 2018 has just been posted on our site. The PDF is up at: https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/sj3wmw. The contents page is at https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/j3tzrw
Progresistas, reformistas, feministas, izquierdistas vendidos, oportunistas, corruptos, nepotistas: patas de la misma araña de rincón que envenena y paraliza la movilización de la clase trabajadora. Esos que son incapaces de presentar un proyecto político serio o de levantar una organización que vele y se la juegue por los derechos de todos.
It is the time of monsters. The organic crisis of the old neoliberal project has also brought forth the rise of a new radical right. Yet these monsters are quite different from one another: we have strong men like Trump, Kurz and Macron – political entrepreneurs shaping a new authoritarianism from positions of governance. Theresa May and Boris Johnson act quite similar, with less success, but unlike the others they are established representatives of authoritarian elite right-wing conservatism. They all share an anti-establishment discourse, although they have strong capital factions backing them. Δεν μπορούμε να καταπολεμήσουμε τον αγώνα ενάντια στον σεξισμό, τον ρατσισμό, την ομοφοβία, το θρησκευτικό φανατισμό, το μίσος κατά των τρανς ή οποιαδήποτε άλλη καταπίεση “μετά την Επανάσταση”. Κάτι τέτοιο θα εξασφάλιζε το ότι η Επανάσταση δεν θα έρθει ποτέ. Αντίθετα, πρέπει να επιστρέψουμε στη θεμελιώδη αρχή με βάση την οποία δημιουργήθηκε το συνδικαλιστικό κίνημα - Touch One, Touch All (Η επίθεση στον ένα είναι επίθεση σε όλους). Όλες οι μορφές καταπίεσης, εντός και εκτός χώρων εργασίας, αποτελούν επίθεση στην αλληλεγγύη μας και, επομένως, στην εργατική τάξη στο σύνολό της. The struggle of the working class is linked to the revolution in three ways. First, the struggle is located where capital gets its power – in the workplace. Second, the struggle over wages and conditions shows that economic crises are inevitable within capitalism and the looming threat of an irresolvable crisis is ever growing. And third, it is only through struggle that the working class will learn the iron solidarity necessary for revolution. As it casts aside all reactionary prejudices (what Marx called “the muck of ages”), the working class will remake itself as a body of free and equal people fit for a libertarian communist society. A review of the nature of the State as understood by anarchists, especially as proposed by the tendency called "post-anarchism." This is done through a review of the opinions of Saul Newman, a leading proponent of post-anarchism, in his work, "Anarchism, Marxism, and the Bonapartist State." The post-anarchist view is opposed by the class theory of the state, versions of which are raised by traditional, revolutionary anarchists and by Marx. Τοποθετήστε όλους τους ανθρώπους σε ένα καθεστώς ισότιμων οικονομικών συνθηκών, παρέχοντάς τους όλα τα μέσα παραγωγής και έχετε την αρχή της δικαιοσύνης. Δώστε σε όλους τους ανθρώπους την ελευθερία να διαθέτουν, όπως τους ταιριάζει καλύτερα, τα συναισθήματά τους, τις σκέψεις τους και τα έργα τους και θα έχετε δικαιοσύνη σε όλη την εκπληκτική πληρότητά της. Αυτό λέει ο κολεκτιβισμός, αυτό λέει η αναρχία.
The following talk was given on 21 July 2018 to a two-day seminar at York University entitled “Historical perspectives on united fronts against fascism and the far right.” ... Από τη στιγμή που θεωρούν οι ίδιοι πως είναι ίσοι μεταξύ τους, με το ίδιο δικαίωμα στη Μητέρα Γη, δεν χρειάζονται αφεντικό για να προστατεύσουν τους προνομιούχους ενάντια σε αυτούς χωρίς προνόμια, επειδή όλοι είναι προνομιούχοι. Καθήκον μας σήμερα να διαλυθούν κατά το δυνατόν αυτές οι «γκρίζες ζώνες», ο φονιάς και το θύμα να μην είναι αγκαλιά.
KSL: Bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library No. 95, July 2018 has just been posted on our site. The PDF is up at: https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/0gb6n3 In order to understand government politics, it is necessary to have a theory of the state. The essay reviews classical anarchist and Marxist views of the class-based, pro-capitalist, nature of the state. But there are also non-class and non-capitalist influences on the state. These need to be integrated into a class theory of the state. The context we now exist in is one that is defined by glaring contradictions everywhere, its fractured, changing, unstable and confrontational. It is a time of despair, but also pockets of hope. On the one hand, a spectre is haunting us, but it is not the one that Marx spoke of. Rather an authoritarian and extreme right wing form of capitalism, last seen on extensive scale in the 1930s, is rearing its hideous ghost-like head. This right wing extremism has become an ‘acceptable’ form of politics amongst some people in the context of the unresolved capitalist crisis. It is the ‘solution’ amongst sections of ruling classes in many countries to a crisis that is not going away. As part of this, many states are passing laws attacking basic rights that oppressed classes have won through decades and even centuries of struggle (including in South Africa); states are beginning to bare their teeth more often rather than being in a position to rule by consent; toxic nationalisms based on exclusionary racial, ethnic and religious identities (including within sections of the population in South Africa) have once again become acceptable and even embraced by sections of the population (giving rise to the likes of Trump, Le Pen and Duterte and xenophobia and other ills in South Africa); and bigotry and hate are back. Yet there is also hope. In many parts of the world, sections of the working class have fought back. This has seen movements of protests in some parts, attempts to revive unions in others and in some cases the re-emergence of left political parties and projects. But it is also a restructured working class, a working class that is fundamentally different from even the 1970s. New or different forms of organising happen next to the old. It is thus also a working class in which the past weighs like a nightmare on the present in organisational terms; experimenting with the new and different ways of organising, but also falling back into the old. A review of a book by a libertarian Marxist sympathetic to anarchism who analyses four revolutions in the 20th century and discusses their lessons. «Δημοκρατικός συγκεντρωτισμός»: έννοια ασφυκτικής πληρότητας και αναλλοίωτης ταυτότητας! - Πρώτη δημοσίευση: περιοδικό Πανοπτικόν #23 Μία συνέντευξη με τον γραμματέα Εξωτερικών υποθέσεων της CNT - Με την ευκαιρία του Ιδρυτικού Συνεδρίου της Νέας Διεθνούς ένα μέλος της αναρχοσυνδικαλιστικής ένωσης CNT πήρε συνέντευξη από τον γραμματέα εξωτερικών υποθέσεων Miguel Pérez, σχετικά με τα γεγονότα της εκδήλωσης. Εν τέλει, γνωρίζουμε καλούς γιατρούς οι οποίοι εκφράζουν αναρχικές ιδέες˙ ωστόσο, δεν μιλούν για την αναρχία όταν ασκούν την επιστήμη ή μιλούν για αυτήν μόνο όταν ένα επιστημονικό ζήτημα καθίσταται κοινωνικό ζήτημα, δηλαδή όταν διαπιστώνουν ότι η παρούσα κοινωνική οργάνωση παρακωλύει την πρόοδο της ιατρικής και την εμποδίζει να εφαρμοστεί προς όφελος όλης της ανθρωπότητας. Από το Πρώτο Ιταλικό Τμήμα της Διεθνούς Αναρχικής Κομμουνιστικής Ομοσπονδίας
Tra le molteplici condanne espresse in questi giorni per le brutali uccisioni operate dall’esercito israeliano, acquistano particolare rilevanza quelle del curdi (Comitato Esecutivo del PKK) e dei movimenti antirazzisti sudafricani Μετά από δύο χρόνια διεθνών συναντήσεων (στο Μπιλμπάο, το Μιλάνο και τη Φρανκφούρτη) την Κυριακή, 13 Μάη 2018, ιδρύθηκε μια νέα διεθνής αναρχοσυνδικαλιστική και επαναστατική συνδικαλιστική συνομοσπονδία με το όνομα Διεθνής Συνομοσπονδία Εργασίας. Το Συνέδριο, που οργανώθηκε από την USI-AIT, ξεκίνησε την Παρασκευή, 11 και ολοκληρώθηκε την Κυριακή, 13 Μάη, πραγματοποιήθηκε στην ιταλική πόλη Πάρμα, πρώην προπύργιο του αναρχοσυνδικαλισμού κατά την περίοδο της «Rosso Βiennio» («Κόκκινη Βδομάδα») (1919-1921). Después de dos años con reuniones de trabajo y varios plenos internacionales (Bilbao, Milán y Frankfurt) se ha gestado una nueva internacional anarcosindicalista y sindicalista revolucionaria, que este domingo ha sido bautizada como la Confederación Internacional del Trabajo. El Congreso, organizado por la USI-AIT, comenzó el pasado viernes y terminó el domingo, celebrándose en la ciudad italiana de Parma, un antiguo bastión del anarcosindicalismo durante el período del "biennio rosso" (1919-1921) como así demostraron en la ruta histórica que llevaron a cabo el viernes. Con motivo del Congreso fundacional de la Nueva Internacional, entrevistamos al Secretario de Exteriores del sindicato, Miguel Pérez. Nos explica los entresijos de este histórico evento, que pretende crear un espacio que relanzará las ideas libertarias a nivel mundial. Έχει ειπωθεί στην ιστορία πολλές φορές ότι τελικά για τα κινήματα της ελευθερίας «οι μεγαλύτερες νίκες μας είναι οι ήττες μας». Μπορούμε να υποθέσουμε ότι η επανάσταση είναι ένα συμβάν, δηλαδή μια επιθυμία, μια συνεχής κίνηση, η οποία όταν πραγματωθεί χάνει τη δυναμική της και καταστέλλει την επαναστατική επιθυμία των ατόμων[9]. Η επανάσταση είναι ένα γίγνεσθαι και είναι ίσως αλήθεια ότι θα μένει πάντα ανοιχτή στον χρόνο. Γι’ αυτό όταν θέλουμε να μιλήσουμε για τις νίκες του ελευθεριακού κινήματος μιλάμε για τις εξεγέρσεις του Λατινικού Νότου, τους Ζαπατίστας, τους Ισπανούς αναρχικούς του ’30, καθώς φυσικά και για τη Ροζάβα αλλά και τις αυθόρμητες εξεγέρσεις όπως ο Μάης του ’68. Αυτές είναι εξεγέρσεις και επαναστάσεις που χαράσσουν νέα νοήματα και αιωρούνται στον ιστορικό χρόνο προς συνεχή ερμηνεία και επαναξιολόγηση. Reviewing Lundstrom's "Anarchist Critique of Radical Democracy" leads to a discussion of what "radical democracy" could mean and whether anarchists should support it. Some anarchists oppose "democracy" of any sort because they regard "majority rule" as inherently oppressive and un-anarchist. This view is criticized and rejected in favor of a view of anarchism as democracy without a state. The remarkable “recovered factories” (fábricas recuperadas) movement saw hundreds of closed factories reopened by the workers, run democratically, creating jobs and helping working class and poor communities. It showed that there is only so much protesting can accomplish – at some point you have to create something new. But it also shows it is essential that such alternative sites of production form alliances with, and become embedded, in other movements of the working class, poor and peasantry, including unions and unemployed movements. This assists them in building larger struggles, and provides them with some protection from the capitalist market and the state. It is meanwhile important for unions and social movements to start to systematically develop alternatives to capitalist- and state- run social services and media. However, it is simply impossible to escape capitalism by creating cooperatives, social centres or alternative spaces –almost all means of production remain in ruling class hands, secured by force and backed by huge bureaucracies. It is essential to build a mass revolutionary front of unions and other movements, embracing popularly-run social services, media and production, and aiming at complete socialisation of the economy and of decision-making through a revolutionary rupture. more >> |
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