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Towards a history of anarchist anti-imperialism

category southern africa | imperialism / war | feature author Thursday March 03, 2005 23:46author by Lucien van der Walt Report this post to the editors

In this struggle, only the workers and peasants will go all the way to the end

The anarchist movement has a long tradition of fighting imperialism. This reaches back into the 1860s, and continues to the present day.

The anarchist movement has a long tradition of fighting imperialism. This reaches back into the 1860s, and continues to the present day. From Cuba, to Egypt, to Ireland, to Macedonia, to Korea, to Algeria and Morocco, the anarchist movement has paid in blood for its opposition to imperial domination and control.

Towards a history of anarchist anti-imperialism

The anarchist movement has a long tradition of fighting
imperialism. This reaches back into the 1860s, and continues to the
present day. From Cuba, to Egypt, to Ireland, to Macedonia, to Korea,
to Algeria and Morocco, the anarchist movement has paid in blood for
its opposition to imperial domination and control.

However, whilst anarchists have actively participated in national
liberation struggles, they have argued that the destruction of
national oppression and imperialism can only be truly achieved
through the destruction of both capitalism and the state system, and
the creation of an international anarcho-communist society.

This is not to argue that anarchists absent themselves from
national liberation struggles that do not have such goals. Instead,
anarchists stand in solidarity with struggles against imperialism on
principle, but seek to reshape national liberation movements into
social liberation movements.

Such movements would be both anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist,
would be based on internationalism rather than narrow chauvinism,
would link struggles in the imperial centres directly to struggles in
the oppressed regions, and would be controlled by, and reflect the
interests of, the working class and peasantry.

In other words, we stand in solidarity with anti-imperialist
movements, but condemn those who use such movements to advance
reactionary cultural agendas (for example, those who oppose women's
rights in the name of culture) and fight against attempts by local
capitalists and the middle class to hijack these movements. We oppose
state repression of anti-imperialist movements, as we reject the
right of the state to decide what is, and what is not, legitimate
protest. However, it is no liberation if all that changes is the
colour or the language of the capitalist class.

AGAINST NATIONALISM

This is where we differ from the political current that has
dominated national liberation movements since the 1940s: the ideology
of nationalism.

Nationalism is a political strategy that argues that the key task
of the anti-imperialist struggle is to establish an independent
nation-state. It is through these independent states, nationalists
argue, that the nation as a whole will exercise its general will. In
the words of Kwame Nkrumah, who spearheaded the formation of the
independent nation-state of Ghana, the task was to "Seek ye first
the political kingdom, and all else shall be given unto you."


In order to achieve this goal, nationalists argue that it is
necessary to unite all classes within the oppressed nation against
the imperialist oppressor. Nationalists tend to deny the importance
of class differences within the oppressed nation, arguing that the
common experience of national oppression makes class divisions
unimportant, or that class is a "foreign" concept that is irrelevant.


Thus nationalists seek to hide class differences in a quest to
found an independent nation-state.

The class interests that hide behind nationalism are obvious.
Nationalism has, historically, been an ideology developed and
championed by the bourgeoisie and middle class in the oppressed
nation. It is a form of anti-imperialism that wishes to remove
imperialism but retain capitalism, a bourgeois anti-imperialism that
wishes, in short, to create for the local bourgeoisie more space,
more opportunities, more avenues to exploit the local working class
and develop local capitalism.

Our role as anarchists in relation to nationalists is thus clear:
we may fight alongside nationalists for limited reforms and victories
against imperialism but we fight against the statism and capitalism
of the nationalists.

Our role is to win mass support for the anarchist approach to
imperial domination, to win workers and peasants away from
nationalism and to an internationalist working class programme:
anarchism. This requires active participation in national liberation
struggles but political independence from the nationalists. National
liberation must be differentiated from nationalism, which is the
class programme of the bourgeoisie: we are against imperialism, but
also, against nationalism.

BAKUNIN AND THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL

Support for national liberation follows directly from anarchism's
opposition to hierarchical political structures and economic
inequality, and advocacy of a freely constituted international
confederation of self-administrating communes and workers'
associations. At the same time, however, anarchism's commitment to a
general social and economic emancipation means that anarchism rejects
statist solutions to national oppression that leave capitalism and
government in place.

If anyone can be named the founder of revolutionary anarchism, it
is Mikhail Bakunin (1918-1876). Bakunin's political roots lay within
the national liberation movements of Eastern Europe, and he retained
a commitment to what would nowadays be called 'decolonisation'
throughout his life. When Bakunin moved from pan-Slavic nationalism
towards anarchism in the 1860s, following the disastrous 1863 Polish
insurrection, he still argued in support of struggles for national
self-determination.

He doubted whether "imperialist Europe" could keep the
colonial countries in bondage: "Two-thirds of humanity, 800
million Asiatics asleep in their servitude will necessarily awaken
and begin to move."[1] Bakunin went on to declare his "strong
sympathy for any national uprising against any form of oppression",
stating that every people "has the right to be itself .... no one is
entitled to impose its costume, its customs, its languages and its
laws."[2]

EAST EUROPE

The crucial issue, however, "in what direction and to what
end" will the national liberation movement move? For Bakunin,
national liberation must be achieved "as much in the economic as
in the political interests of the masses": if the anti- colonial
struggle is carried out with "ambitious intent to set up a
powerful State" or if "it is carried out without the
people" and "must therefore depend for success on a privileged
class," it will become a "retrogressive, disastrous,
counter-revolutionary movement."[3]

"Every exclusively political revolution - be it in
defence of national independence or for internal change.... - that
does not aim at the immediate and real political and economic
emancipation of people will be a false revolution. Its objectives
will be unattainable and its consequences reactionary." [4]


So, if national liberation is to achieve more than simply the
replacement of foreign oppressors by local oppressors, the national
liberation movement must thus be merged with the revolutionary
struggle of the working class and peasantry against both capitalism
and the State. Without social revolutionary goals, national
liberation will simply be a bourgeois revolution.

The national liberation struggle of the working class and
peasantry must be resolutely anti-statist, for the State was
necessarily the preserve of a privileged class, and the state system
would continually recreate the problem of national oppression: "to
exist, a state must become an invader of other states .... it must be
ready to occupy a foreign country and hold millions of people in
subjection."

The national liberation struggle of oppressed nationalities must
be internationalist in character as it must supplant obsessions with
cultural difference with universal ideals of human freedom, it must
align itself with the international class struggle for "political
and economic emancipation from the yoke of the State" and the
classes it represents, and it must take place, ultimately, as part of
an international revolution: "a social revolution .... is by its
very nature international in scope" and the oppressed
nationalities "must therefore link their aspirations and forces
with the aspirations and forces of all other countries."[5] The
"statist path involving the establishment of separate ....
States" is "entirely ruinous for the great masses of the
people" because it did not abolish class power but simply changed
the nationality of the ruling class.[6] Instead, the state system
must be abolished and replaced with a coalition of workplace and
community structures "directed from the bottom up .... according
to the principles of free federation."[7]

These ideas were applied in East Europe from the 1870s onwards, as
anarchists played an active role in the in 1873 uprisings in Bosnia
and Herzegovina against Austro-Hungarian imperialism. Anarchists also
took an active part in the "National Revolutionary Movement"
in Macedonia against the Ottoman Empire. At least 60 gave their lives
in this struggle, particularly in the great 1903 revolt.

This tradition of anarchist anti-imperialism was continued 15
years later in the Ukraine as the Makhnovist movement organised a
titanic peasant revolt that not only smashed the German occupation of
the Ukraine, and held off the invading Red and White armies until
1921, but redistributed land, established worker- peasant
self-management in many areas, and created a Revolutionary Insurgent
Army under worker-peasant control.

EGYPT AND ALGERIA

In the 1870s, too, the anarchists began to organise Egypt, notably
in Alexandria, where a local anarchist journal appeared in 1877,[8]
and anarchist group from Egypt was represented at the September 1877
Congress of the "Saint-Imier International" (the anarchist faction of
the post-1872 First International).[9] An "Egyptian Federation" was
represented at the 1881 International Social Revolutionary Congress
by well-known Errico Malatesta, this time including "bodies from
Constantinople and Alexandria."[10] Malatesta, who lived in Egypt
as a political refugee Egypt in 1878 and 1882,[11] became involved in
the 1882 "Pasha Revolt" that followed the 1876 take-over of Egyptian
finances by an Anglo-French commission representing international
creditors. He arrived specifically to pursue "a revolutionary
purpose connected to the natives' revolt in the days of Arabi Pasha,"
[12] and "fought with the Egyptians against the British
colonialists."[13]

In Algeria, the anarchist movement emerged in the nineteenth
century. The Revolutionary Syndicalist General Confederation of
Labour (CGT-SR) had a section in Algeria. Like other anarchist
organisations, the CGT-SR opposed French colonialism, and in a joint
statement by the Anarchist Union, the CGT-SR, and the Association of
Anarchist Federations on the centenary of the French occupation of
Algeria in 1930, argued: "Civilisation? Progress? We say:
murder!".[14]

A prominent militant in the CGT-SR's Algerian section, as well as
in the Anarchist Union and the Anarchist Group of the Indigenous
Algerians, was Sail Mohamed (1894-1953), an Algerian anarchist active
in the anarchist movement from the 1910s until his death in 1953.
Sail Mohamed was a founder of organisations such as the Association
for the Rights of the Indigenous Algerians and the Anarchist Group of
the Indigenous Algerians. In 1929 he was secretary of the "Committee
for the Defence of the Algerians against the Provocations of the
Centenary." Sail Mohamed was also editor of the North African edition
of the anarchist periodical Terre Libre, and a regular contributor to
anarchist journals on the Algerian question.[15]

EUROPE AND MOROCCO

Opposition to imperialism was a crucial part of anarchist
anti-militarist campaigns in the imperialist centres, which stressed
that colonial wars did not serve the interests of workers but rather
the purposes of capitalism.

The General Confederation of Labour (CGT) in France, for example,
devoted a considerable part of its press to exposing the role of
French capitalists in North Africa. The first issue of La Bataille
Syndicaliste, which appeared on the 27 April 1911, exposed the
"Moroccan syndicate": the "veiled men" who dictated to
the ministers and diplomats and sought a war that would boost demand
for arms, lands, and rail and lead to the imposition of tax on the
indigenous people.[16]

In Spain, the "Tragic Week" began on Monday 26 July 1909 when the
union, Solidarad Obrero, which was led by a committee of anarchists
and socialists, called a general strike against the call-up of the
mainly working class army reservists for the colonial war in
Morocco.[17] By Tuesday, workers were in control of Barcelona, the
"fiery rose of anarchism," troop trains had been halted, trams
overturned, communications cut and barricades erected. By Thursday,
fighting broke out with government forces, and over 150 workers were
killed in the street fighting.

The reservists were embittered by disastrous previous colonial
campaigns in Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico,[18] but the
Tragic Week must be understood as an anti-imperialist uprising
situated within a long tradition of anarchist anti-imperialism in
Spain. The "refusal of the Catalonian reservists to serve in the
war against the Riff mountaineers of Morocco," "one of the most
significant" events of modern times,[19] reflected the common
perception that the war was fought purely in the interests of the
Riff mine-owners,[20] and that conscription was "a deliberate act
of class warfare and exploitation from the centre."[21]

In 1911, the newly founded, anarcho-syndicalist, National
Confederation of Labour (CNT), successor to Solidarad Obrero, marked
its birth with a general strike on the 16 September in support of two
demands: defence of the strikers at Bilbao and opposition to the war
in Morocco.[22] Again, in 1922, following a disastrous battle against
the forces of Abd el-Krim in Morocco in August, a battle in which at
least 10,000 Spanish troops died, "the Spanish people were full of
indignation and demanded not only an end to the war but also that
those responsible for the massacre and the politicians who favoured
the operation in Africa be brought to trial", expressing their
anger in riots, and in strikes in the industrial regions.[23]

CUBA

In the Cuban colonial war (1895-1904), the Cuban anarchists and
their unions joined the separatist armed forces, and made propaganda
amongst the Spanish troops. The Spanish anarchists, likewise,
campaigned against the Cuban war amongst peasants, workers, and
soldiers in their own country.-[24] "All Spanish anarchists
disapproved of the war and called on workers to disobey military
authority and refuse to fight in Cuba," leading to several
mutinies amongst draftees.[25] Opposing bourgeois nationalism and
statism, the anarchists sought to give the colonial revolt a social
revolutionary character. At its 1892 congress in Cuba, the anarchist
Workers' Alliance recommended that the Cuban working class join the
ranks of "revolutionary socialism" and take the path of
independence, noting that

"....it would be absurd for one who aspires to
individual freedom to oppose the collective freedom of the
people...."[26]

When the anarchist Michele Angiolillo assassinated the Spanish
President Canovas in 1897 he declared that his act both in revenge
for the repression of anarchists in Spain and retribution for Spain's
atrocities in its colonial wars.[27]

In addition to its role in the anti-colonial struggle, the
anarchist-led Cuban labour movement played a central role in
overcoming divisions between black, white Cuban, and Spanish-born
workers. The Cuban anarchists "successfully incorporated many
nonwhites into the labour movement, and mixed Cubans and Spaniards in
it", "fostering class consciousness and helping to eradicate
the cleavages of race and ethnicity among workers."[28]

The Workers Alliance "eroded racial barriers as no union had
done before in Cuba" in its efforts to mobilise the "whole
popular sector to sustain strikes and demonstrations."[29] Not
only did blacks join the union in "significant numbers," but
the union also undertook a fight against racial discrimination in the
workplace. The first strike of 1889, for example, included the demand
that "individuals of the coloured race able to work
there."[30] This demand reappeared in subsequent years, as did
the demand that blacks and whites have the right to "sit in the
same cafes," raised at the 1890 May Day rally in Havana.[31]

The anarchist periodical El Producter, founded in 1887, denounced
"discrimination against Afro-Cubans by employers, shop owners and
the administration specifically." And through campaigns and
strikes involving the "mass mobilisation of people of diverse race
and ethnicity," anarchist labour in Cuba was able to eliminate
"most of the residual methods of disciplining labour from the
slavery era" such as "racial discrimination against non-whites
and the physical punishment of apprentices and dependientes."
[32]

MEXICO, NICARAGUA AND AUGUSTINO SANDINO

In Mexico, anarchists led Indian peasant risings such as the
revolts of Chavez Lopez in 1869 and Francisco Zalacosta in the 1870s.
Later manifestations of Mexican anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism,
such as the Mexican Liberal Party, the revolutionary syndicalist
"House of the Workers of the World" (COM) and the Mexican section of
the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), Mexican anarchism and
revolutionary syndicalism continually challenged the political and
economic dominance of the United States, and opposed racial
discrimination against Mexican workers in foreign-owned enterprises,
as well as within the United States.[33]

In the 1910s, the local IWW's focus on "'bread and butter'
issues combined with the promise of future workers' control struck a
responsive chord among workers caught up in a nationalist revolution
that sought to regain control from foreigners the nation's natural
resources, productive systems and economic infrastructure".[34]


In Nicaragua, Augustino Cesar Sandino (1895-1934), the leader of
the Nicaraguan guerrilla war against the United States' occupation
between 1927-33, remains a national icon. Sandino's army's "red
and black flag had an anarcho-syndicalist origin, having been
introduced into Mexico by Spanish immigrants." [35]

Sandino's eclectic politics were framed by a "peculiar brand of
anarcho-communism,"[36] a "radical anarchist
communism"[37] "assimilated .... in Mexico during the Mexican
revolution" where he received "a political education in
syndicalist ideology, also known as anarchosyndicalism, libertarian
socialism, or rational communism."[38]

Despite political weaknesses, Sandino's movement, the EDSNN, moved
steadily leftwards as Sandino realised that "only the workers and
the peasants will go all the way to the end" in the struggle.
There was thus increasing emphasis on organising peasant
co-operatives in the liberated territories. The US forces were
withdrawn in 1933 and the EDSNN largely demobilised. In 1934 Sandino
was murdered and the collectives smashed on the orders of General
Somoza, the new, pro-US ruler.

LIBYA AND ERITREA

In Italy in the 1880s and 1890s "anarchists and former
anarchists" "were some of the most outspoken opponents of Italian
military adventures in Eritrea and Abyssinia."[39] The Italian
anarchist movement followed these struggles with a significant
anti-militarist campaign in the early twentieth century, which soon
focussed on the Italian invasion of Libya on 19 September 1911.

Augusto Masetti, an anarchist soldier who shot a colonel
addressing troops departing for Libya whilst shouting "Down with
the War! Long Live Anarchy!" became a popular symbol of the
campaign; a special issue of the anarchist journal L'Agitatore
supporting his action, and proclaiming, "Anarchist revolt shines
through the violence of war," led to a roundup of anarchists.
Whilst the majority of Socialist Party deputies voted for
annexation,[40] the anarchists helped organise demonstrations against
the war and a partial general strike and "tried to prevent troop
trains leaving the Marches and Liguria for their embarkation
points."[41]

The campaign was immensely popular amongst the peasantry and
working class[42] and by 1914, the anarchist-dominated front of
anti-militarist groups - open to all revolutionaries - had 20,000
members, and worked closely with the Socialist Youth.[43]

When Prime Minister Antonio Salandra sent troops against
anarchist-led demonstrations against militarism, against special
punishment battalions in the army, and for the release of Masetti on
the 7 June 1914,44 he sparked off the "Red Week" of June 1914,45 a
mass uprising ushered in by a general strike led by anarchists and
the Italian Syndicalist Union (USI). Ancona was held by rebels for
ten days, barricades went up in all the big cities, small towns in
the Marches declared themselves self-governing communes, and
everywhere the revolt took place "red flags were raised, churches
attacked, railways torn up, villas sacked, taxes abolished and prices
reduced."[46] The movement collapsed after the Italian Socialist
Party's union wing called off the strike, but it took ten thousand
troops to regain control of Ancona.[47] After Italy entered the First
World War in May 1915, the USI and the anarchists maintained a
consistently anti-war, anti-imperialist position, continuing into
1920, when they launched a mass campaign against the Italian invasion
of Albania and against imperialist intervention against the Russian
Revolution.[48]

IRELAND AND JAMES CONNOLLY

In Ireland, to cite another case, the revolutionary syndicalists
James Connolly and Jim Larkin sought to unite workers across
sectarian religious divides in the 1910s, aiming at transforming the
Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, which they led, into a
revolutionary "One Big Union."[49] Socialism was to be brought
about through a revolutionary general strike: "they who are
building up industrial organisations for the practical purposes of
to-day are at the same time preparing the framework of the society of
the future .... the principle of democratic control will operate
through the workers correctly organised in .... Industrial Unions,
and the .... the political, territorial state of capitalist society
will have no place or function...."[50]

A firm anti-imperialist, Connolly opposed the nationalist dictum
that "labour must wait," and that independent Ireland must be
capitalist: what would be the difference in practice, he wrote, if
the unemployed were rounded up for the "to the tune of 'St.
Patrick's Day'" whilst the bailiffs wore wear "green uniforms and the
Harp without the Crown, and the warrant turning you out on the road
will be stamped with the arms of the Irish Republic"?[51] In the
end, he insisted, "the Irish question is a social question, the
whole age-long fight of the Irish people against their oppressors
resolves itself, in the final analysis into a fight for the mastery
of the means of life, the sources of production, in Ireland."[52]


Connolly was sceptical of the very ability of the national
bourgeoisie to consistently fight against imperialism, writing it off
as a sentimental, cowardly, and anti-labour bloc, and he opposed any
alliance with this layer: the once-radical middle class have
"bowed the knee to Baal, and have a thousand economic strings ....
binding them to English capitalism as against every sentimental or
historic attachment drawing them toward Irish patriotism," and
so, "only the Irish working class remain as the incorruptible
inheritors of the fight for freedom in Ireland."[53] Connolly was
executed in 1916 following his involvement in the Easter Rising,
which helped spark the Irish War of Independence of 1919-1922, one of
the first successful secessions from the British Empire.

ANARCHIST REVOLUTION IN KOREA

A final example bears mentioning. The anarchist movement emerged
in East Asia in the early twentieth century, where it exerted a
significant influence in China, Japan and Korea. With the Japanese
annexation of Korea in 1910, opposition to the occupation developed
in both Japan and in Korea, and spilled over into China. In Japan,
the prominent anarchist Kotoku Shusui was framed and executed in July
1910, in part because his Commoner's Newspaper campaigned against
Japanese expansionism.[54]

For the Korean anarchists, the struggle for decolonisation assumed
centre-stage in their political activity: they played a prominent
part in the 1919 rising against Japanese occupation, and in 1924
formed the Korean Anarchist Federation on the basis of the "Korean
Revolution Manifesto" which stated that

"we declare that the burglar politics of Japan is
the enemy for our nation's existence and that it is our proper right
to overthrow the imperialist Japan by a revolutionary means".[55]


The Manifesto made it clear that the solution to this national
question was not the creation of a "sovereign national State"
but in a social revolution by the peasants and the poor against both
the colonial government and the local bourgeoisie.

Further, the struggle was seen in internationalist terms by the
Korean Anarchist Federation, which went on to found an Eastern
Anarchist Federation in 1928, spanning China, Japan, Taiwan, Vietnam
and other countries, and which called upon "the proletariat of the
world, especially the eastern colonies" to unite against
"international capitalistic imperialism". Within Korea itself,
the anarchists organised an underground network, the Korean
Anarcho-Communist Federation, to engage in guerrilla activity,
propaganda work and trade union organising.[56]

In 1929, the Korean anarchists founded an armed liberated zone,
the Korean People's Association in Manchuria, which brought together
two million guerrillas and Korean peasants on the basis of voluntary
farming co-operatives. The Korean People's Association in Manchuria
was able to withstand several years of attacks by Japanese forces and
Korean Stalinists backed by the Soviet Union before being forced
underground.[57] Resistance continued throughout the 1930s despite
intense repression, and a number of joint Sino-Korean operations were
organised after the Japanese invasion of China in 1937.[58]

IN CONCLUSION: TOWARDS THE DESTRUCTION OF IMPERIALISM

Anarchists cannot be 'neutral' in any fight against imperialism.
Whether it is the struggle against the third world debt, the struggle
against the Israeli occupation of Palestine, or opposition to US
military attacks on the Middle East, we are not neutral, we can never
be neutral. We are against imperialism.

But we are not nationalists. We recognise that imperialism is
itself rooted in capitalism, and we recognise that simply replacing
foreign elites with local elites will not solve the problem in a way
that is fundamentally beneficial for the working class and peasantry.


Establishing new nation-states means, in effect, establishing new
capitalist states that, in turn, serve the interests of the local
elite at the expense of the working class and peasantry. Thus, most
nationalist movements that have achieved their goals have turned on
the working class once in power, crushing leftists and trade
unionists with vigour. In other words, internal oppression continues
in new forms.

At the same time, imperialism cannot be destroyed by the formation
of new nation-states. Even independent nation-states are part of the
international state system, and the international capitalist system,
a system in which the power of imperialist states continues to set
the rules of the game. In other words, external repression continues
in new forms.

This means that the new states - and the local capitalists that
control them- soon find themselves unable to fundamentally challenge
imperialist control and instead set about trying to advance their
interests within the overall framework of imperialism. This means
that they maintain close economic ties with the western centres,
whilst using their own state power to build up their own strength,
hoping, eventually, to graduate to imperialist status themselves. In
practice, the most effective way for the local ruling classes to
develop local capitalism is to crush labour and small farmers in
order to be able to sell cheap raw materials and manufactured goods
on the world market.

This is no solution. We need to abolish imperialism, so creating
conditions for the self-government of all people around the world.
But this requires the destruction of capitalism and the state system.
At the same time, our struggle is a struggle against the ruling
classes within the third world: local oppression is no solution. The
local elites are an enemy both within national liberation movements
and even more so after the formation of new nation-states. It is only
the working class and peasantry who can destroy imperialism and
capitalism, replacing domination by both local and foreign elites
with self-management and social and economic equality.

Hence, we are for working class autonomy and unity and solidarity
across countries, across continents, and for the establishment of an
international anarcho-communist system through the self-activity of
the global working class and peasantry. As Sandino said, "In this
struggle, only the workers and peasants will go all the way to the
end."



Lucien van der Walt is an anarchist activist based in Johannesburg,
and involved in struggles and movements against privatisation,
neo-liberalism and racism. Contact him through the bikisha@mail.com
(Bikisha Media Collective, South Africa) address if you are
interested in reprinting this text.



This article was translated into French as
Pour une histoire de
l'anti-impérialisme anarchiste

Dans cette lutte, seuls les ouvriers et les paysans iront jusqu'au
bout.

 

Footnotes


1 Cited in D. Geurin, 1970, Anarchism, Monthly Review, p. 68

2 ibid.

3 Geurin, 1970, op cit., p. 68

4 M. Bakunin, [1866] "National Catechism," in S. Dolgoff
(editor), 1971, Bakunin on Anarchy, George Allen and Unwin,
London, p. 99.

5 Bakunin, [1873], "Statism and Anarchy," in S. Dolgoff
(editor), 1971, op cit., pp. 341-3

6 ibid.

7 Cited in S. Cipko, 1990, "Mikhail Bakunin and the National
Question," in The Raven, 9, (1990), p. 3 p. 11.

8 http://members.tripod.com/~stiobhard/east.html

9 G. Woodcock, 1975, Anarchism: a History of Libertarian Ideas
and Movements. Penguin, pp. 236-8

10 H. Oliver, 1983, The International Anarchist Movement in
Late Victorian London, Croom Helm, London/ Rowman and Littlefield,
New Jersey, p. 15

11 V. Richards, 1993, Malatesta: Life and Ideas, Freedom
Press, London, p. 229

12 Ibid.; P. Marshall, 1994, Demanding the Impossible: a
history of anarchism, Fontana, p. 347

13 D. Poole, 1981, "Appendix: About Malatesta", in E.
Malatesta, Fra Contadini: a Dialogue on Anarchy, Bratach Dubh
Editions, Anarchist Pamphlets no. 6, London, p. 42

14 From Sail Mahomed, 1994, Appels Aux Travailleurs Algeriens,
Volonte Anarchiste/ Edition Du Groupe Fresnes Antony, Paris
(Edited by Sylvain Boulouque).

15 From Sylvain Boulouque, 1994, "Sail Mohamed: ou la vie et
la revolte d'un anarchiste Algerien" in Mahomed, 1994, op cit.

16 F.D., 27 April 1911, "Le Syndicait Marocain," in Le
Bataille Syndicaliste, number 1

17 R. Kedward, 1972, The Anarchists: the men who shocked an
era, Library of the Twentieth Century, p. 67

18 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67

19 Nevinson was an English critic of imperialism; the quote is
from 1909. Cited in P. Trewhela, 1988, "George Padmore: a
critique, "in Searchlight South Africa, volume 1, number 1, p. 50

20 B, Tuchman, cited in Trewhela, 1988, op cit., p. 50.

21 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67

22 M. Bookchin, 1977, The Spanish Anarchists: the heroic years
1868-1936 (Harper Colophon Books: New York, Hagerstown, San
Francisco, London, 1977, p. 163

23 A. Paz, 1987, Durruti: the People Armed, Black Rose,
Montreal, p.39

24 J. Casanovas, 1994, Labour and Colonialism in Cuba in the
Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, Ph.D. thesis, State
University of New York at Stony Brook

25 ibid., p. 436.

26 F. Fernandez, 1989, Cuba: the anarchists and liberty, ASP,
London, p. 2.

27 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 436

28 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 8

29 ibid., p. 366.

30 ibid., p. 367.

31 ibid., pp. 381, 393-4.

32 J. Casanovas, 1995, "Slavery, the Labour Movement and
Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1890", International Review of
Social History, number 40, pp. 381-2. These struggles are detailed
in Casanovas, 1994, op cit., chapters 8 and 9.

33 See, inter alia, N. Caulfield, 1995, "Wobblies and Mexican
Workers in Petroleum, 1905-1924", International Review of Social
History, number 40, p. 52, and N. Caulfield, "Syndicalism and the
Trade Union Culture of Mexico" (paper presented at Syndicalism:
Swedish and International Historical Experiences, Stockholm
University: Sweden, March 13-4, 1998); J. Hart, 1978, Anarchism
and the Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931, Texas University Press

34 Caulfield, 1995, op cit.; Caulfield, 1998, op cit.

35 D.C. Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan
Revolution, cited in Appendix, "The Symbols of Anarchy", The
Anarchist FAQ, http://flag.blackened.net/intanark/faq/.

36 ibid.

37 See Navarro-Genie, Sin Sandino No Hay Sandinismo: lo que
Bendana pretende (unpublished mimeo: n.d.).

38 A. Bendana, 1995, A Sandinista Commemoration of the Sandino
Centennial (speech given on the 61 anniversary of the death of
General Sandino, held in Managua's Olaf Palme Convention Centre,
distributed by Centre for International Studies, Managua)

39 C. Levy, 1989, "Italian Anarchism, 1870-1926", in D.
Goodway (editor), For Anarchism: history, theory and practice,
Routledge, London/ New York, p. 56.

40 G. Williams, 1975, A Proletarian Order: Antonio Gramsci,
factory councils and the origins of Italian communism 1911-21,
Pluto Press, pp. 36-7

41 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56; Williams, 1975, op cit., p. 37

42 ibid. p. 35

43 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56

44 Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 56-7

45 ibid., pp. 56-7

46 ibid., pp. 56-7; Williams, 1975, op cit., pp. 51-2. The
quote is from Williams.

47 ibid., p. 36

48 See, inter alia, Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 64, 71; Williams,
1975, op cit.

49 On Connolly and Larkin, see E. O'Connor, 1988, Syndicalism
in Ireland, 1917-23, Cork University Press, Ireland. I do not
intend to enter into a detailed debate over Connolly in this
paper, except to state that the recurrent attempts to appropriate
Connolly for Stalinism, Trotskyism and/ or the Marxist tradition,
more generally - not to mention Irish nationalism and/or
Catholicism - are confounded by Connolly's own unambiguous views
on revolutionary unionism after 1904: see the materials in
collections such as O. B. Edwards and B. Ransom (editors), 1973,
James Connolly: selected political writings, Jonathan Cape: London

50 J. Connolly, 1909, "Socialism Made Easy," Edwards and
Ransom (editors), op cit., pp. 271, 274

51 Connolly, [1909], op cit., p. 262

52 J. Connolly, Labour in Irish History (Corpus of Electronic
Texts: University College, Cork, Ireland [1903-1910]), p. 183

53 Connolly, [1903-1910], op cit., p. 25

54 Ha Ki-Rak, 1986, A History of Korean Anarchist Movement,
Anarchist Publishing Committee: Korea, pp. 27-9

55 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 19-28

56 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 35-69

57 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 71-93.

58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 96-11358 Cited in D. Geurin, 1970,
Anarchism, Monthly Review, p. 68

58 ibid.

58 Geurin, 1970, op cit., p. 68

58 M. Bakunin, [1866] "National Catechism," in S. Dolgoff
(editor), 1971, Bakunin on Anarchy, George Allen and Unwin,
London, p. 99.

58 Bakunin, [1873], "Statism and Anarchy," in S. Dolgoff
(editor), 1971, op cit., pp. 341-3

58 ibid.

58 Cited in S. Cipko, 1990, "Mikhail Bakunin and the National
Question," in The Raven, 9, (1990), p. 3 p. 11.

58 http://members.tripod.com/~stiobhard/east.html

58 G. Woodcock, 1975, Anarchism: a History of Libertarian
Ideas and Movements. Penguin, pp. 236-8

58 H. Oliver, 1983, The International Anarchist Movement in
Late Victorian London, Croom Helm, London/ Rowman and Littlefield,
New Jersey, p. 15

58 V. Richards, 1993, Malatesta: Life and Ideas, Freedom
Press, London, p. 229

58 Ibid.; P. Marshall, 1994, Demanding the Impossible: a
history of anarchism, Fontana, p. 347

58 D. Poole, 1981, "Appendix: About Malatesta", in E.
Malatesta, Fra Contadini: a Dialogue on Anarchy, Bratach Dubh
Editions, Anarchist Pamphlets no. 6, London, p. 42

58 From Sail Mahomed, 1994, Appels Aux Travailleurs Algeriens,
Volonte Anarchiste/ Edition Du Groupe Fresnes Antony, Paris
(Edited by Sylvain Boulouque).

58 From Sylvain Boulouque, 1994, "Sail Mohamed: ou la vie et
la revolte d'un anarchiste Algerien" in Mahomed, 1994, op cit.

58 F.D., 27 April 1911, "Le Syndicait Marocain," in Le
Bataille Syndicaliste, number 1

58 R. Kedward, 1972, The Anarchists: the men who shocked an
era, Library of the Twentieth Century, p. 67

58 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67

58 Nevinson was an English critic of imperialism; the quote is
from 1909. Cited in P. Trewhela, 1988, "George Padmore: a
critique, "in Searchlight South Africa, volume 1, number 1, p. 50

58 B, Tuchman, cited in Trewhela, 1988, op cit., p. 50.

58 Kedward 1971, op cit., p. 67

58 M. Bookchin, 1977, The Spanish Anarchists: the heroic years
1868-1936 (Harper Colophon Books: New York, Hagerstown, San
Francisco, London, 1977, p. 163

58 A. Paz, 1987, Durruti: the People Armed, Black Rose,
Montreal, p.39

58 J. Casanovas, 1994, Labour and Colonialism in Cuba in the
Second Half of the Nineteenth Century, Ph.D. thesis, State
University of New York at Stony Brook

58 ibid., p. 436.

58 F. Fernandez, 1989, Cuba: the anarchists and liberty, ASP,
London, p. 2.

58 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 436

58 Casanovas, 1994, op cit., p. 8

58 ibid., p. 366.

58 ibid., p. 367.

58 ibid., pp. 381, 393-4.

58 J. Casanovas, 1995, "Slavery, the Labour Movement and
Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, 1850-1890", International Review of
Social History, number 40, pp. 381-2. These struggles are detailed
in Casanovas, 1994, op cit., chapters 8 and 9.

58 See, inter alia, N. Caulfield, 1995, "Wobblies and Mexican
Workers in Petroleum, 1905-1924", International Review of Social
History, number 40, p. 52, and N. Caulfield, "Syndicalism and the
Trade Union Culture of Mexico" (paper presented at Syndicalism:
Swedish and International Historical Experiences, Stockholm
University: Sweden, March 13-4, 1998); J. Hart, 1978, Anarchism
and the Mexican Working Class, 1860-1931, Texas University Press

58 Caulfield, 1995, op cit.; Caulfield, 1998, op cit.

58 D.C. Hodges, The Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan
Revolution, cited in Appendix, "The Symbols of Anarchy", The
Anarchist FAQ, http://flag.blackened.net/intanark/faq/.

58 ibid.

58 See Navarro-Genie, Sin Sandino No Hay Sandinismo: lo que
Bendana pretende (unpublished mimeo: n.d.).

58 A. Bendana, 1995, A Sandinista Commemoration of the Sandino
Centennial (speech given on the 61 anniversary of the death of
General Sandino, held in Managua's Olaf Palme Convention Centre,
distributed by Centre for International Studies, Managua)

58 C. Levy, 1989, "Italian Anarchism, 1870-1926", in D.
Goodway (editor), For Anarchism: history, theory and practice,
Routledge, London/ New York, p. 56.

58 G. Williams, 1975, A Proletarian Order: Antonio Gramsci,
factory councils and the origins of Italian communism 1911-21,
Pluto Press, pp. 36-7

58 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56; Williams, 1975, op cit., p. 37

58 ibid. p. 35

58 Levy, 1989, op cit., p. 56

58 Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 56-7

58 ibid., pp. 56-7

58 ibid., pp. 56-7; Williams, 1975, op cit., pp. 51-2. The
quote is from Williams.

58 ibid., p. 36

58 See, inter alia, Levy, 1989, op cit., pp. 64, 71; Williams,
1975, op cit.

58 On Connolly and Larkin, see E. O'Connor, 1988, Syndicalism
in Ireland, 1917-23, Cork University Press, Ireland. I do not
intend to enter into a detailed debate over Connolly in this
paper, except to state that the recurrent attempts to appropriate
Connolly for Stalinism, Trotskyism and/ or the Marxist tradition,
more generally - not to mention Irish nationalism and/or
Catholicism - are confounded by Connolly's own unambiguous views
on revolutionary unionism after 1904: see the materials in
collections such as O. B. Edwards and B. Ransom (editors), 1973,
James Connolly: selected political writings, Jonathan Cape: London

58 J. Connolly, 1909, "Socialism Made Easy," Edwards and
Ransom (editors), op cit., pp. 271, 274

58 Connolly, [1909], op cit., p. 262

58 J. Connolly, Labour in Irish History (Corpus of Electronic
Texts: University College, Cork, Ireland [1903-1910]), p. 183

58 Connolly, [1903-1910], op cit., p. 25

58 Ha Ki-Rak, 1986, A History of Korean Anarchist Movement,
Anarchist Publishing Committee: Korea, pp. 27-9

58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 19-28

58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 35-69

58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 71-93.

58 Ha, 1986, op cit., pp. 96-113

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