La más reciente contienda electoral por la cabeza del Poder Ejecutivo en Colombia tuvo un lugar central en el debate político y social del país, llegando a convertirse en el pan de cada día de la población. La generalización de las redes sociales, la vasta propaganda eleccionaria y el intenso cubrimiento informativo, pusieron a la gente a discutir de política con una intensidad especial. Finalmente, el pasado domingo 27 de mayo de 2018, se realizó la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de Colombia para elegir el presidente número 60 del Estado, que definió como contendientes de una segunda vuelta a los candidatos Iván Duque y Gustavo Petro.

Como Grupo Libertario Vía Libre nos parece una tarea urgente presentar algunas líneas de análisis sobre el actual panorama electoral, con el objetivo de trazar rutas de acción común. Por tal motivo, a partir de la información sobre los resultados de esta elección contenida en el boletín 54 de pre conteo de votos emitido por la Registraduría Nacional del Estado Civil, queremos adelantar las siguientes reflexiones.

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The labour movement has been unable to de-link itself from its archenemy: capital. As its structures bureaucratise, as its leaders become career unionists, as it opens investment companies and pays staff increasingly inequitable salaries, it increasingly mirrors the very thing it is fighting. If the South African Federation of Trade Unions is to meet its promise, it must be fundamentally different from the organisation it was born out of.

A federation will not liberate the class, nor will its affiliates; only the working class can liberate itself and it will never be able to do that as long as there is an implicit belief in a Great Leader/s; as long as the union is seen as a legal service and as long as power and money are centralised. A truly participatory, democratic trade union would be one where the locals/branches of each affiliate control the membership dues collected, where they would use their dues to do work on the ground and put some aside for provincial and national work; where the workers have direct ownership of the means of trade union production (negotiation, representation, mobilisation) and where the extremely loosely used term, democracy, translates into individual worker agency and empowerment to ensure that the base, the majority, the working class, is where true power lies, and that it uses its power to change the world for the benefit of the many.

The Municipal Workers’ Union of Cachoeirinha (Sindicato dos Municipários de Cachoeirinha – SIMCA) is a union that fights for workers’ rights in class-based struggles in Brazil. Founded on June 20, 1989, it has consistently been a protagonist in struggles both initiated by the Union and by other social movements. The municipal workers of Cachoeirinha have been leaders in the organization and mobilization of these struggles, refusing to stay quiet in the face of arbitrary and authoritarian exploitation of labor, mismanagement on the part of bosses and government officials, and the injustices imposed “from above.”

El miércoles 28 de diciembre, el compañero César Augusto Roa Carvajal, iba en su moto por Mosquera, Cundinamarca, cuando a las 10:30pm perdió el control del vehículo y se estrelló contra un poste. Para los medios, era sencillamente uno más de los muertos en esa vía, el cuarto en la semana. Para nosotros el que había muerto era también un compañero excepcional, que había destacado en la lucha de los corteros de caña en el Valle del Cauca en el 2008.

Debate

"The claim that "syndicalist unions broke off from mainstream federations to form 'purely revolutionary' unions, cutting themselves off from the mass of workers" doesn't hold up, though it does conform to the Leninist orthodoxy of "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder. There were many countries where the syndicalist unions were the majority--such as Portugal, Spain, Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Brazil. Syndicalist unions in South Africa, such as the Industrial Workers of Africa (modeled on the Industrial Workers of the World), were the only unions that organized native African workers, who were excluded from the white craft unions.
At the time of the mass occupation of the factories in Italy in September 1920, the USI (Italian Syndicalist Union) was claiming 800,000 members, and the factory councils formed throughout Italy in those events were mostly organized by the USI. Moreover, it was the anarcho-syndicalists who initiated a militia movement ("arditti del popolo") to fight Mussolini's fascist squads. But the Communists didn't cooperate, and the Socialist Party capitulated to fascism.