A enorme colônia foi observada através de um conjunto de virtudes além do embranquecimento de uma classe média, média alta e frações de classe dominante cujos mais notáveis membros formam a “vergonha dos árabes”. No texto que segue fazemos uma correlação entre a missão brasileira para a terra ancestral, o papel da solidariedade à Causa Palestina e uma razoável proposta de arranjo e aproximação diplomática, contando tanto com capitais emigrados como os recursos humanos da diáspora e sua descendência. Desenvolvemos o texto como um esforço, grão de areia na (re)construção da tão sonhada esquerda árabe-brasileira.

Agosto de 2020, Bruno Beaklini (Bruno Lima Rocha Beaklini) com ilustração de Rafael Costa (não é descendente, apoia a Causa Palestina)
Parece que finalmente as grandes emissoras de TV do Brasil “redescobriram” o Líbano e nossa gigantesca descendência. A enorme colônia foi observada através de um conjunto de virtudes além do embranquecimento de uma classe média, média alta e frações de classe dominante cujos mais notáveis membros formam a “vergonha dos árabes”. No texto que segue fazemos uma correlação entre a missão brasileira para a terra ancestral, o papel da solidariedade à Causa Palestina e uma razoável proposta de arranjo e aproximação diplomática, contando tanto com capitais emigrados como os recursos humanos da diáspora e sua descendência. Desenvolvemos o texto como um esforço, grão de areia na (re)construção da tão sonhada esquerda árabe-brasileira.
A mais recente tragédia do Líbano e a encruzilhada política
No dia 04 de agosto de 2020 houve uma gigantesca explosão no Porto de Beirute, indo pelos ares uma absurda quantidade de quase três toneladas de nitrato de amônia. O fator que acionou o material explosivo estocado de forma irregular e em área densamente povoada, além de muito relevante economicamente, até agora não se pode afirmar. Foi acidente ou ataque de Israel, não se sabe; mas com certeza houve negligência, muita negligência. O fato, inequívoco e irrefutável é: o sistema sectário, o confessionalismo político - herança francesa dos tempos do Protetorado parcialmente revivido pelo presidente francês Emmanuel Macron e sua missão “de amizade” - está esgotado. O país existe porque ao menos quatro grandes agrupamentos culturais-religiosos (cristãos do oriente de maioria maronita, sunitas, xiitas e drusos) dividem entre si os postos de poder e os cargos-chave do frágil aparelho de Estado. O Acordo de Taif, em 1989, serviu para sair do impasse da guerra fratricida, mas definitivamente, para governar não serve. Este país sectário que não dá mais dessa maneira tem na sociedade civil razoavelmente auto-organizada e com uma ira nos protestos semelhante ao que ocorre nas ruas da Grécia, a sua maior esperança.
Eis o paradoxo. Para não cair em nova guerra civil, o Líbano precisa do bom convívio entre ao menos um dos três “partidos” de maioria maronita e o partido hegemônico xiita, o Hezbollah (que supera e muito o poder de alcance da outra grande força shia, a Amal, também sua aliada). De preferência, que a composição deste governo traga consigo algumas parcelas de representação, como um acordo de convivência com o maior partido druso (comandado pelo clã Jumblatt, o PSP), alguma força armênia, composição laica e outras agrupações menores. Em tese, a Aliança de 8 de março dá conta de todos esses fatores.
Mas, de novo, embora seja muito “menos pior” que a Aliança de 14 de março (de fato, a união dos clãs Hariri, sunita, e Gemayel, maronita), opera como força de contenção da ira popular, para além do arranjo confessional e de favores na base do familismo. Tanto há alguma forma de entendimento entre as forças tradicionais que o passo seguinte à tragédia pela negligência foi criar um gabinete de “salvação” e uma lei marcial proibindo os protestos mais que justos. Reforço a ideia: um pacto de convivência evita uma guerra fratricida entre os líderes sectários. Mas, ao mesmo tempo, a governabilidade no sectarismo é a principal razão do descontentamento da massa que protesta em Beirute e sua gigantesca região metropolitana.
E fica a dúvida. Como ser solidário com o Líbano sem entrar nos temas centrais: - como “preservar” o arranjo do confessionalismo político, na verdade reforçado pelo Acordo de Taiff em 1989? – De que forma ajudar o Líbano sem denunciar as agressões de Israel que podem voltar a ocorrer a todo o momento? Por fim, o tema permanente dos refugiados, tanto os palestinos como os vindos da internacionalizada guerra civil da Síria. Sem entrar nesses três temas, o movimento de aproximação da diáspora árabe-libanesa com a terra dos cedros é importante, mas segue apenas tangenciando os problemas centrais.
A libertação da Palestina é a chave de nossa reorganização junto com a ação solidária ao Líbano
Não se trata de denúncia, mas de mera constatação. “Normalizando” o crime da ocupação de um país estrangeiro, o programa Esporte Espetacular (revista eletrônica semanal de cobertura esportiva da Rede Globo) manifestou apoio de fato a Ocupação da Cisjordânia e a Anexação da Palestina. Isso ocorreu em matéria que foi ao ar (creio que reprisada), no domingo 26 de julho de 2020.
O repórter Clayton Conservani foi protagonista de uma reportagem da chamada "Maratona Bíblica", organizada pelo Estado de Israel e cujo trajeto se passa mais de 70% na Cisjordânia. A Rede Globo mentiu duas vezes. Primeiro ao não contextualizar a presença de soldados ocupantes em ato de ilegalidade internacional, ferindo a já limitada soberania da Autoridade Nacional Palestina. Ainda teve a cara de pau de afirmar que a área está em "disputa". Na sequência, em lindo cenário de montes de oliveiras, usa o nome de Samaria, o mesmo empregado pelo Comando Central das Forças de “Defesa” de Israel (IDF) buscando uma justificativa bíblica para ferir o direito internacional e arrecadar mais apoio da direita pentecostal dos EUA.
Mesmo quando se posiciona de forma menos incorreta no Brasil, a Globo é a Globo e segue mentindo no noticiário internacional. Já a família Saad, controladora do Grupo Bandeirantes, serve para que mesmo em relação a Causa Palestina e a Unidade Pan-arabista? Somos 16 milhões de árabes descendentes para aturar isso todo dia?
Falamos acima, no subtítulo da “libanidade”, da forte cobertura da emissora líder, a TV Globo, assim como o correto posicionamento solidário – ou de aparente solidariedade – ao Líbano através da família controladora do conglomerado de comunicação criado na esteira do projeto político de Adhemar de Barros. Infelizmente, abundam omissão e desinformação, incluindo o “pop star” Guga Chakra – orientalista do sistema – que dá palpite sobre quase tudo menos o mais importante. No caso da Questão Palestina e da cobertura jornalística que deveria ser correta – aplicando minimamente o critério noticioso, de valor notícia – os ataques de Israel ao Líbano (1978, 1982, a longa ocupação de 1985 a 2000, bombardeios de 2006, 2009, 2017, 2019, 2020) e o mesmo se dá nos ataques contra a Síria e a ocupação ilegal das Colinas de Golan. Mentem, omitem, divergem. Repito: somos 16 milhões para aturar isso?
E a missão brasileira ao Líbano? Onde está a diplomacia do Brasil no meio de um novo arranjo?
Parece que os "notáveis" da colônia foram para o Líbano coordenados por dois execráveis golpistas, Paulo Skaf e Michel Temer (ver a lista completa neste link: https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao-paulo/noticia/2020/08/15/missao-brasileira-de-ajuda-enviada-ao-libano-retorna-ao-brasil-temer-e-skaf-desembarcam-em-sp.ghtml). O ex-presidente ilegítimo se agarrou nesta oportunidade e levou consigo até seu marqueteiro pessoal. Os doze integrantes – todos homens por sinal - levaram dois compromissos de apoio direto: um primeiro avião chegou com medicamentos e grãos (em 13 de agosto), outro com a comitiva além de um navio com quatro toneladas de arroz, uma semana depois. Houve um acórdão visível da aliança de 14 de março (Hariri-Gemayel-Chamoun-Geagea) em terras paulistas e a partir daí a delegação oficializada pelo imbecil fascistoide que anda com a bandeira do Estado inimigo (Bolsonaro e sua bandeira de Israel a tiracolo) só reforça as duas Alianças de Março e nada mais concreto, como o engajamento das forças vivas da descendência árabe-brasileira com ênfase nós árabes de origem libanesa.
O problema de fundo está na diplomacia brasileira. Se o Itamaraty tivesse um comando à altura de sua história, proporia um grupo de trabalho comprometendo o Brasil com um aporte da oferta de grãos que nossa ancestralidade necessita. O arroz abundante poderia ser o começo de um Banco de Alimentos com lastro e garantias em um banco cooperativo captando capitais emigrados e tributando "moralmente" a bilionários como os Slim Helú (Grupo Claro, de família maronita). Expertise de sobra tem o Banco da Palestina (ver https://www.bankofpalestine.com/en/home), com capitais de origem também vinculados na maior colônia de "baisanos" palestinos no Chile. O fato desta colônia chilena ser de ampla maioria cristã poderia tranquilizar aos ex-falangistas ainda na vassalagem psicológica da França. Um aporte de uma entidade bancária externa poderia dar a tranquilidade necessária para a militância da diáspora que olha com muita desconfiança ao sistema sectário. Um fundo específico com aportes e cotas das colônias e o dinheiro entrava limpo, sem carimbos de esquemas Ponzi, elisão fiscal, evasão de divisas e outras formas suspeitas de gestão financeira (ver: https://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/countingthecost/2020/08/lebanon-economy-destroyed-politics-banking-elites-200815065601081.html).
Uma solução fácil como essa colocaria Brasil, Chile e junto à Argentina no miolo dos eixos diplomáticos do Oriente Médio novamente, pela porta da frente e dando um alívio para a sociedade civil libanesa que quer ir além do arranjo de 1989.
Pelo visto, não faltam ideias razoáveis, mas carece de condições políticas no MRE brasileiro para implementar o óbvio. Cabe aos brimos e brimas, a brimarada por esquerda para forçar alguma saída razoável que não seja exportar a "vergonha dos árabes daqui" para "referendar a mesquinharia de lá".
Uma conclusão óbvia
Não devemos fingir que nada acontece e mesclar de forma irresponsável temas da política regional com os domésticos libaneses. O conjunto de ameaças externas ao Líbano é enorme: Arábia Saudita e EUA, mais os ataques constantes de Israel e as pretensões tutelares da França. Também não se pode negar que a agenda da Síria e Irã incide no país, e nem sempre de forma positiva. Por mais relevante que seja a posição iraniana de defesa da libertação da Palestina e no apoio da resistência libanesa, o passo adiante se faz necessário. Geopolítica é importante, mas a luta popular deve ser superior.
É hora de incentivar Bella Ciao em árabe, canção da revolução civil e anti sectária. Antes que pensem bobagem de incentivo a uma “revolução colorida para troca de regimes a favor do Ocidente”, tenho todo o respeito pelo empenho do Hezbollah em expulsar as forças invasoras israelenses, mas o governo Aoun, onde a força político-militar liderada por Hassan Nasrallah faz parte, manteve péssimos serviços públicos e não conseguiu sequer organizar a coleta de lixo! Sendo que essa é a parte “menos ruim” da política profissional libanesa, imagina sob controle de banqueiros ex-falangistas?!
Logo, viva a sociedade civil auto-organizada do Líbano, já que a única saída dos povos é protagonizar sua própria luta. E, de preferência, que “as ruas árabes” voltem a entoar a unidade pan-arabista na soberania absoluta do Líbano, a libertação da Palestina e o confederalismo, nos termos que a luta conseguir alcançar!
Bruno Beaklini (Bruno Lima Rocha Beaklini), é militante socialista libertário de origem árabe-brasileira e editor dos canais do Estratégia & Análise, a análise política para a esquerda mais à esquerda.
Rafael Costa apoia a Causa Palestina e o Confederalismo Democrático, é desenhista e cartunista (E-mail- Rafael.martinsdacosta@yahoo.com.br. Instagram- @chargesecartuns)
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For the past few years, most people would have come across news stories of how Kurdish fighters in Syria, especially women, have been crucial in battling the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Very few, however, would be aware that in the north and eastern parts of Syria these same Kurdish fighters are part of a revolution as progressive, profound and potentially as far-reaching as any in history.

In the north and eastern parts of Syria, an attempt to create an alternative system to hierarchical states, capitalism and patriarchy is underway and should it fully succeed it holds the potential to inspire the struggle for a better, more egalitarian Middle East, Africa, South Africa and indeed world. As in any revolution it has had its successes and shortcomings, but it is already an experiment worth reflecting on as it shows a far different world could be built to the extremely unequal and increasingly right-wing and authoritarian one that exists today.

A Glimmer of Hope: The extraordinary story of a revolution within the Syrian civil war

Shawn Hattingh

For the past few years, most people would have come across news stories of how Kurdish fighters in Syria, especially women, have been crucial in battling the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. Very few, however, would be aware that in the north and eastern parts of Syria these same Kurdish fighters are part of a revolution as progressive, profound and potentially as far-reaching as any in history.

In the north and eastern parts of Syria, an attempt to create an alternative system to hierarchical states, capitalism and patriarchy is underway and should it fully succeed it holds the potential to inspire the struggle for a better, more egalitarian Middle East, Africa, South Africa and indeed world. As in any revolution it has had its successes and shortcomings, but it is already an experiment worth reflecting on as it shows a far different world could be built to the extremely unequal and increasingly right-wing and authoritarian one that exists today.

The start of Rojava

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring in Syria, most of the country descended into a hellish nightmare as a vicious civil war erupted between the brutal Assad regime and equally reactionary groups claiming to be inspired by Islamic fundamentalism. Compounding this was the intervention of imperialist powers such as the US and Russia, and regional powers such as Turkey, Israel and Iran. One area where there was a difference was the mainly Kurdish enclave in the north of Syria known as Rojava. 1

There, on 19 July 2012, popular protests erupted against the Assad regime. Government buildings were occupied and taken over by the people. Many of the people involved in this had been building a popular movement for almost a decade that had the vision of implementing a radical concept — Democratic Confederalism.

The vision of Democratic Confederalism

Democratic Confederalism was first outlined by Abdullah Ocalan, who began his political life as an adherent of Stalinism and was the head of the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PPK) that had been engaged in a guerrilla war for the national liberation of the Kurdish people in Turkey.

In 1999, Ocalan was captured in Kenya — in an incident involving intelligence agencies from Turkey, the US and Greece — and tried for treason by the Turkish state. He was initially sentenced to death, but that was commuted to a life sentence as, at that point, the Turkish state had aspirations of joining the EU.

Since then, he has been held on the prison island of Imrali, often as the only prisoner, and now in total isolation since April 2015 — indeed the right-wing Erdogan regime has even denied visitation by his family members and lawyers (presently hundreds of people across the world are on hunger strike demanding an end to his isolation).

In the early 2000s, Ocalan nonetheless began a process of reflecting on what went wrong with past revolutionary struggles, most notably the Russian Revolution and the communist party’s rise to power as head of the Chinese state. During these revolutions, the energy of millions of people was released, a hope of a better future grew, only to flounder on the rise of the totalitarian states that emerged.

At the same time, Ocalan also began reading the works of libertarian socialist and social ecologist Murray Bookchin, as well as studying the experiences of the anarchist-syndicalist inspired Spanish Revolution of 1936 (which was one of the most radical revolutions in terms of worker democracy and control; although it too is not well known).

Ocalan came to the conclusion that the main reason past revolutions had failed is that they did not put an end to the structure of the state. Rather, communist parties entered the state and through that process, the leaders of these parties became rulers and a new elite within those societies.

In these states figures such as Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao and those loyal to them held real power; not the majority of people. Ocalan, therefore, argued that all states, whether claiming to be revolutionary or not, were hierarchical and subjugated, oppressed and exploited the majority of people.

He also argued states were inherently patriarchal and first arose in societies where a minority became an elite ruling class, but also importantly, in ones in which men began oppressing women and exploiting their labour. He concluded, due to their very structures — which centralised power — states could not escape or be altered to fundamentally shift away from their original purpose: Enabling an elite to hold power and rule over society.

Ocalan maintained that if a revolution was to be achieved, women’s liberation would have to be a central component. He also reasoned that capitalism needed to be replaced, but so too did the state. To replace these he argued for a communal economy that was based on the socialisation of the means of production and production for need, not profit.

He also argued such an economy needed to be ecologically sustainable and democratic. To replace the state, he maintained federated assemblies and councils should be created and they should function on the basis of direct democracy.

This, he felt, would prevent the emergence of an elite as within direct democracy there could be no hierarchy as delegates were always subject to the will of assemblies at the base of society. Monopolisation could not take place in a socialised and democratic economy.

By the mid-2000s most people involved in the Kurdish national liberation struggle in Turkey, Syria, Iraq and Iran had come to adopt Democratic Confederalism. With this, they began to attempt to forge a new world in the shell of the old by building a mass movement of community-based councils and assemblies across southern Turkey, northeastern Syria, northern Iraq and northwestern Iran.

In this, direct democracy, feminism and participatory praxis replaced undemocratic notions of hierarchy and vanguardism as defining features of the Kurdish national liberation struggle.

Implementing Democratic Confederalism

Since 2012, when the Syrian state left the north and eastern parts of the country, people in this area known as Rojava — Kurds, Turks and Arabs — expanded these structures of direct democracy. As part of this, they set up thousands of communes — made up of 60 to 100 households — right across Rojava to run the society from the grassroots on the basis of a radical democracy without a state.

People themselves, through participation in the communes, decide through direct democracy on policies, plans, and how to meet needs in their own communities. They democratically deal with issues such as crime at a local level and use restorative justice as opposed to punitive justice in order to constructively heal communities.

This includes dealing with issues such as gender-based violence. Due to having a history of being involved in a movement based on direct democratic organisations, people were already familiar with such politics and putting such a system fully into practice was not alien.

The communes, in fact, have full autonomy and are where true power resides. Through mass meetings, they are the sole decision-making bodies regarding the economy, services, development, education and defence in the areas they cover. No structure or institution has any right or ability to override decisions made by the communes.

The communes, while being autonomous, are federated into neighbourhood assemblies — in this, the communes send mandated and recallable delegates to neighbourhood assemblies to share their ideas, views and plans to ensure co-ordination from below. Recallable delegates from the neighbourhood assemblies are then sent to City Assemblies. These are all linked through delegates that are sent to a structure that covers the entire region, named the Syrian Democratic Council.

By 2016, a form of representative democracy had also been introduced in the Syrian Democratic Council. Other parties and formations — who were not mandated delegates from the communes and assemblies — also began to participate in the Syrian Democratic Council through an election.

This has proven to be a controversial issue. Some argue that the introduction of a form of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council undermines the direct democracy envisioned in Democratic Confederalism. They contend it introduces practices similar to those of a state. Others argue that it was a necessary step to ensure unity of the people of Rojava in the face of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacks and some form of international recognition.

Linked to this argument, its proponents contend that as a minority of parties and organisations had refused to participate in the communes and neighbourhood assemblies some form of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council was necessary to also give such people a say. Those defending this move also point out that the communes remain the real holders of power and the Syrian Democratic Council cannot override their decisions nor impose any policy, practice or law on them.

Ultimately it does seem to be the case that the communes do hold real power, although introducing elements of representative democracy in the Syrian Democratic Council holds the real danger of introducing new hierarchies. An important development, though, is that women play a central role in this system of Democratic Confederalism. Each assembly or council — including the Syrian Democratic Council — have to ensure gender parity among delegates. To have a quorum in commune meetings at least 40% of the participants have to be women.

In the process of the revolution, real strides have been made to create a genuinely democratic form of people’s power with women playing a central role. As the fighters from Rojava have rolled back ISIS, new areas have joined the system of self-governance based on Democratic Confederalism. Presently 4.6 million people live and participate in this system, now known as the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.

On the economic front, there has been an attempt to replace capitalism with a communal economy. At the heart of this experiment are worker self-managed co-operatives that produce not for profits, but to meet peoples’ needs. Besides being based on workers’ democracy, these co-operatives are also accountable to everyone involved in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria through being answerable to the federated communes.

Large industries, of which oil is the only real one, and ex-state-owned commercial farms have also been socialised — that is, ownership is by all. By some estimates, 70% of economic activity is conducted through co-operatives. Small-sized businesses still do exist, but these are required to be based on meeting peoples’ needs and are reportedly accountable to the communes — to temper profit motives and price gouging.

Threats from many sides

Over the course of almost seven years, the people of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria — mainly through democratic militia — have fought off the many dangers that have been posed to the revolution, which have included the forces of the Syrian state, ISIS and the Turkish state.

In the process a tactical military alliance was formed in 2015 with the US — it only arose because the Kurdish forces proved the most capable in combating ISIS. The US, as always, has only adhered to the tactical military alliance for its own purposes and has categorically refused to politically recognise the existence of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. It recently mooted that its troops would pull out of Syria in a move that will give the Turkish state a free hand to militarily intervene against the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria.

In January 2019, the Turkish state in fact began to make plans for the invasion of northern Syria to end the revolution. The Turkish state fears the revolution will spread into Turkey itself and it does not want an experiment in direct democracy, feminism, ecology, anti-statism, and anti-capitalism to succeed.

Already in 2018, the Turkish state invaded part of Rojava, Afrin, and is now unleashing plans to invade the rest of north and eastern Syria. These plans have been condemned by the peoples of the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria. They have called for a genuine international peacekeeping force to be deployed to prevent the invasion. Indeed, if such an invasion occurs there will be a massive escalation of the war in Syria, which will at the very least lead to thousands more deaths and hundreds of thousands of new refugees. 1

Showing us the potential for a better way

Despite some weaknesses and the threats the revolution faces, it is a beacon of hope. For South Africans, the revolution in northern and eastern Syria holds real lessons and potential hope.

When the liberation movement in South Africa gained state power, it promised to use this to improve people’s lives, end racism, address sexism and bring about equality. This has flatly failed to happen.

Ocalan’s analysis that once in state power, former liberation movements become a new elite and new rulers that develop self-serving interests precisely due to their new power and privileged positions they occupy, has proven to be correct. It is exactly why we sit with corruption throughout the state in South Africa as officials abuse the hierarchical power they have to enrich themselves.

Democratic Confederalism, as is shown in Syria, offers another way to run society. Its direct democracy can temper corruption and create greater equality as power cannot be centralised in such a system and wealth cannot be accumulated individually.

Developments in the Democratic Federation of Northern Syria also demonstrate how a non-racial society can be built through a radical democracy and that gender relations can be changed through a participatory revolutionary process. This is something that is desperately needed in South Africa where gender-based violence, sexism and racism are everyday occurrences.

In South Africa, we are saddled with one of the most corrupt private sectors in the world. Practices such as price gouging, collusion, transfer pricing and tax evasion/avoidance are prevalent in the private sector.

Working conditions, especially in the agricultural sector, are often harsh and even brutal. Pay is often low, which is one of the reasons we are one of the most unequal societies in the world. Unemployment, too, is rife and precarious work a growing phenomenon.

Past revolutions have shown, however, that nationalisation is often not the answer. Developments in Syria to create a socialised communal economy that is democratic shows another path could be followed.

In order to create a more democratic and egalitarian path (which Democratic Confederalism shows can be done), a new mass movement with a new vision, clear ethics, sound principles and truly democratic practices in South Africa is needed.

Without such a movement we will remain mired in a society defined by exploitation and corruption. To build such a movement will be no easy task, but it is what is needed: What the revolution in northern Syria shows is that it can be done.

¡HASTA LA VICTORIA DE LA REVOLUCIÓN EN ROJAVA!

International Revolutionnary People’s Guerilla Forces (IRPGF)

Hoy, la revolución de Rojava se encuentra bajo ataque. Así como la Comuna de Paris y en otros tantos momentos en la historia, las fuerzas revolucionarias se enfrentan al Leviatán de la hegemonía capitalista que ha venido a devorar al nuevo mundo y a esclavizarnos a todos una vez más. Este es nuestro Stalingrado. ¡La revolución debe ser defendida! Por lo tanto, anunciamos la creación de las Fuerzas Guerrilleras Internacionales y Revolucionarias del Pueblo (International Revolutionary People’s Guerrilla Forces – IRPGF) para defender la revolución en Rojava.

Las IRPGF son una agrupación militante armada, auto-organizada y horizontal, trabajando para defender distintas revoluciones sociales alrededor del mundo, atacando directamente al Capital y al Estado, haciendo avanzar la causa del anarquismo.

Estamos comprometidos antifascistas, anticapitalistas, antiimperialistas, contra todas las formas del patriarcado y las jerarquías. Anunciamos también nuestra afiliación en el Batallón Internacional por la Libertad (International Freedom Battalion) y declaramos nuestro apoyo y alianza con las YPJ, las YPG, el PKK, el Antifascist International Tabur (AIT) y con los integrantes del Batallón Internacional por la Libertad. Declaramos abiertamente nuestra lucha contra todas las fuerzas imperialistas, fascistas y contrarrevolucionarias.

¡HASTA LA VICTORIA DE LA REVOLUCIÓN EN ROJAVA!

¡VICTORIA A LAS BARRICADAS, LA INSURRECCIÓN SOCIAL Y LA COMUNA!

¡VIVAN LAS AGRUPACIONES Y COMUNIDADES MILITANTES, HORIZONTALES Y AUTO-ORGANIZADAS!

¡POR LA REVOLUCIÓN Y EL ANARQUISMO!

Trad. Revolución Internacional / World Revolution

FRANÇAIS

http://rupturacolectiva.com/nes-la-guerilla-anarchiste-...stan/

ENGLISH

http://rupturacolectiva.com/anarchist-guerrilla-irpfg-i...orld/

ελληνικά

http://rupturacolectiva.com/anarchist-guerilla-irpgf-an...riwr/

KURDISH

http://rupturacolectiva.com/daxuyaniya-gelen-navnetewey...rpgf/

TÜRK

http://rupturacolectiva.com/anarsist-gerilla-irpgf-kuru...rusu/

Publicado el 01 de Abril de 2017 en:

http://rupturacolectiva.com/nace-la-guerrilla-anarquist...undo/

7 October 2016 marks the fifteenth anniversary of the invasion of Afghanistan. Many Western leaders claimed the invasion, dubbed Operation Enduring Freedom, was a humanitarian intervention to liberate Afghans and especially Afghan women and girls from the brutal Taliban regime. However, the evidence demonstrates the results have been anything but humane or liberating.

The people truly liberated by the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan are the wealthy investors in the military-industrial complex and those betting on successfully extracting Afghan resources and developing the infrastructure of the New Silk Road.

The Failure of Humanitarian Intervention

Civilian casualties: Perhaps the crudest measure of the failure of the humanitarian intervention in Afghanistan is to count the growing number of civilian casualties. Mysteriously, no official agency actually counted Afghan civilian casualties prior to 2009; consequently, civilian casualty figures from 2001 to 2009 really are anybody's guess. Literally, countless numbers of Afghans were killed or maimed during the invasion and ensuing occupation.

The UN Assistance Mission to Afghanistan (UNAMA) only began counting civilian casualties in 2009 recording a trend of increasing numbers ever since. In the first half of 2016, 5166 civilians were killed or maimed – almost a third of these were children.

The total civilian casualties recorded by UNAMA from 1 January 2009 to 30 June 2016 is 63,934, including 22,941 killed and 40,993 injured. UNAMA states: “The figures are conservative – almost certainly underestimates – given the strict methodology employed in their documentation and in determining the civilian status of those affected.”

Anti-government forces account for 60 per cent of civilian casualties; nonetheless, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, argues: “Parties to the conflict must cease the deliberate targeting of civilians and the use of heavy weaponry in civilian-populated areas. There must be an end to the prevailing impunity enjoyed by those responsible for civilian casualties – no matter who they are.”

The consequences for Afghans have been devastating. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights observes:

“The family that lost a breadwinner, forcing the children to leave school and struggle to make ends meet; the driver who lost his limbs, depriving him of his livelihood; the man who went to the bazaar to shop for his children only to return home to find them dead; the broken back and leg that has never been treated because the family cannot afford the cost of treatment; the parents who collected their son's remains in a plastic bag... In just the past six months, there have been at least 5,166 such stories – of which one-third involve the killing or maiming of children, which is particularly alarming and shameful” (UNAMA 25 July 2016).

Refugees: Another crude measure of the failure of the humanitarian intervention is to count refugees in what is a growing refugee crisis 15 years after the invasion. But, like civilian casualties, no official agency counted refugee numbers throughout most of the occupation.

According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) conditions deteriorated in 2015 with renewed fighting causing the internal displacement of 245,000 Afghans in the first half of 2016 swelling the number of internally displaced persons to more than 1.2 million.

The UNHCR observes that an estimated 1.5-2 million undocumented Afghans refugees live in the Islamic Republic of Iran and another million in Pakistan. Western media has recently focussed almost exclusively on Syrian refugees, but the UNHCR documents that, since 2015, Afghans have constituted the second largest group of refugees arriving in Europe (UNHCR 23 Sept. 2016).

The Failure to Liberate Afghan Women and Girls

Western media and even many Western women's organizations continue to portray Afghan women as passive victims who needed intervention by a military force to liberate them from a misogynistic regime. However, many women I met in Afghanistan argue the ongoing war impedes their own struggles for liberation.

Prior to the invasion, Afghan women were focussed on resisting the misogynistic policies of the Taliban regime in the South as much as on those of the United Islamic Federation aka Northern Alliance in the North. Since the invasion, however, women's energies are often redirected to merely surviving or attempting to escape warfare. Moreover, installing the misogynistic regime of the United Islamic Federation aka Northern Alliance in power to replace the misogynistic Talib regime changed little for Afghan women. Some argue this regime change actually legitimated misogyny.

One women's activist I met in Afghanistan used the example of women in Iran to make her point. Indeed the regime that seized power in Iran in 1979 was one of the most brutally misogynistic imaginable. But Iranian women resisted the regime to the extent that today they enjoy some of the best conditions in the Islamic world – certainly conditions significantly better than those suffered by Saudi women, despite the irony of unwavering Western support of the Saudi regime.

Some Western feminists continue to focus on what clothing Afghan women choose to wear, but arguments about the burqa and hijab are red-herrings. These are not the real issues facing Afghan women confronted with far greater problems.

Violence against women: A recent UNAMA study finds that while the new legal framework of Afghanistan criminalizes violence against women, in reality numerous factors block women's access to justice. (UNAMA April 2015)

I have found no documentary evidence to show violence against women is less of a problem today in Afghanistan than it was prior to the invasion.

Health and welfare: Afghanistan has by far the worst infant mortality rate in the world at 112.8 deaths per 1000 live births, one of the worst maternal mortality rates, at 460 deaths per 100,000 live births, and the third worst life expectancy at 51.3 years. These horrific health statistics are not surprising considering that even the basics of clean drinking water and sanitation facilities still remain inaccessible to large numbers of Afghans 15 years after the invasion. Moreover access to healthcare is extremely limited with only 0.27 doctors per 1000 Afghans (CIA World Factbook 2016).

Forty-three per cent of Afghans still do not have electricity, which disproportionately affects women and girls in a traditional culture in which they are burdened with water collection, food preparation, and cleaning (CIA World Factbook 2016).

Afghan women focussed entirely on caring for their families in these conditions have little time and energy left for organizing resistance against a misogynistic regime.

Education for girls: Throughout the occupation, numerous reports have cited encouraging statics claiming millions of Afghan girls are attending school. Unfortunately, inflated enrolment statistics do not reflect the reality that vast numbers of Afghan girls as well as boys do not have access to education. There have been modest improvements in some areas, but overall access to education remains a dream for vast numbers of Afghan children, especially girls. The female literacy rate remains at 25.3 per cent (CIA World Factbook 2016).

The failure of the humanitarian mission to liberate Afghan women and girls might be chalked up to bad planning and overall incompetence. But the more plausible explanation is that the humanitarian-liberation mission has never been a priority – this mission is a politically acceptable façade for the geostrategic mission to liberate capital.

The Success of Liberating Capital

Since George Bush declared the beginning of the Global War of Terror on 20 September 2001, the cost to the United States to date is $4.79-trillion (U.S.) (Crawford Sept. 2016). The costs to the other NATO and coalition states would undoubtedly add many more hundreds of billions of dollars to this figure.

This unfathomable sum is a cost to taxpayers, but it is a profitable return on investment for investors in the military-industrial complex. Rather than money lost, it is in fact money liberated from public coffers to be transferred to the private pockets of a few wealthy investors.

Extracting Afghan Resources: In 1808, Captain Alexander Burns of the British East India Company led a team of surveyors into Afghanistan in an attempt to exploit its resources ahead of Russian competitors. However, Burn's paramilitary expedition had greater success in propelling the British East India Company into the First Anglo-Afghan War of 1839-42.

Another captain of the British East India Company, Henry Drummond conducted surveys during the First Anglo-Afghan War. Drummond wrote that the company's paramilitary invasion of Afghanistan would not be perceived as an “act of aggression” because the reorganization of the existing system of Afghan mine management and improvements in the working conditions of Afghan miners would lead to an “era of peace, prosperity, and of permanent tranquility in Afghanistan.”

Also during that war, the British envoy to Kabul, Sir W.H. Macnaughten, wrote that developing Afghanistan's resources would employ the “wild inhabitants... reclaim them from a life of lawless violence” and increase the wealth of Afghans as it increased the wealth of the British East Asia Company.

Despite fighting three wars in Afghanistan, (1839-42, 1878-80, 1919) the British could not establish control over Afghan territory to develop resource extraction operations.

A Soviet surveyor, Vladimir Obruchev, published a detailed geological report in 1927. The Obruchev depression in the natural-gas rich Amu Darya Basin still bears his name. Then in the early 1930s, the Afghan government granted the American Inland Oil Company a 25 year concession to oil and mineral exploration rights, but the company soon backed out of its agreement.

Following the Second World War, the Afghan government sought technical and financial assistance from American, European, Czech, and Soviet sources often pitting First-World and Second-World surveyors against one another. By the 1970s more than 700 geological reports indicated that a vast wealth of resources awaited exploitation.

From the 1970s to the 1990s Afghans derived much of their foreign exchange from natural gas sales to the USSR.

Thus, following the 2001 invasion, a first order of business was for the U.S. and British Geological Surveys to conduct extensive exploration with the assistance of the Canadian Forces Mapping and Charting Establishment.

In 2010, New York Times journalist James Risen broke the news that Afghanistan contains a vast wealth of natural resources. Risen's claim that U.S. geologists merely “stumbled across” some old surveys to make their discovery seems somewhat disingenuous considering the long history of foreign interest in Afghan resources.

If the U.S.-led Operation Enduring Freedom invasion of 2001 accomplished nothing else, it secured the freedom for foreign investors to profit from extracting Afghanistan's resource wealth. The occupation forces destroyed the last vestiges of Afghanistan's poorly developed and badly broken state enterprise system.

The U.S. Department of State reported in 2010 that Afghanistan “has taken significant steps toward fostering a business-friendly environment for both foreign and domestic investment.” Afghanistan's new investment law allows 100 per cent foreign ownership and provides generous tax allowances to foreign investors without protections for Afghan workers or the environment.

The strategic value of Afghanistan's rich resources rests, nevertheless, more in their catalytic potential to attract investors to the region than these resources actual use or market values. Whether these investors are American, Chinese, Russian, Indian, British, Canadian or anyone else matters little, provided they invest within the rubric of the American led global capitalist regime. More importantly, investments in resource development are an essential catalyst to develop the infrastructure of the New Silk Road.

The New Silk Road and the Regime of Global Free Trade

Influential geostrategists have argued since the collapse of the USSR that the nation that dominates trade in Eurasia will dominate the globe. The shortest routes between China and Europe, as well as between India and Russia, pass through Afghanistan. Railways, highways, oil and gas pipelines, electrical transmission lines, and fibre-optic cables will inevitably criss-cross Afghanistan to connect Eurasia. As in previous imperial ages, the empire that achieves primacy is the one that, among other aspects of power, establishes itself as builder, protector, and arbiter of trade routes.

During the past half millennia of the emergence of capitalism, empires expanded in the pursuit of various commodities – spices, fish, furs, indigo, cotton, rubber, and gold among many others. The strategic importance of various resources wax and wane with changes in technology or even the whim of consumers. Nonetheless, what remains as a constant is the growth of the physical transportation, energy transmission, and communications networks as well as the less tangible but no less real political-legal-economic infrastructure of empire. Geostrategists recognize that building this infrastructure of dominance is ultimately more important to securing power than merely acquiring specific resources.

Consequently, on 20 July 2011, U.S. Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton announced the New Silk Road strategy. She stated the U.S. and its partners will build a New Silk Road across Central Asia including Afghanistan as an “international web and network of economic and transit connections.” “That means,” Clinton said, “building more rail lines, highways, energy infrastructure ... upgrading the facilities at border crossings ... and removing the bureaucratic barriers to the free flow of goods and people.” She also stated: “It means casting aside the outdated trade policies that we are living with and adopting new rules for the 21st century.”

The new rules Clinton refers to are the political-legal-economic infrastructure of an empire of capital. A primary objective of the geostrategists plotting the emergence of an American led empire of capital is to globalize this political-legal-economic infrastructure – the regime of capitalist social relations.

The value of Afghanistan's resource wealth lies then not only in its actual use or market values, but also in its value to catalyze expanding the physical and the less tangible but no less real political-legal-economic infrastructure of an American led empire of capital.

Despite the fact George Bush declared a Global War on Terror on 20 September 2001, many perceive the battles in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, and Syria, the lesser-known military operations in Haiti, the Philippines, the Horn of Africa and Latin America, the never-ending battles in Palestine, as well as the many worldwide covert operations of U.S. and allied Special Forces as separate individual wars. However, all these struggles are interrelated battles of one global war.

The primary objective of this global war is regime change. However, this is not regime change in the sense of 20th century history when a ‘bad’ ruler would be replaced by a ‘good’ or perhaps ‘less bad’ ruler, or even a ruler we really cannot abide but who might at least stave off chaos. This is, instead, a deliberate pogrom of fundamental regime change with the objective to destroy whatever socioeconomic order existed before, whether socialist, or Talib, or Ba’athist, or any variety of traditional tribal communitarian society.

The claim that this global war is about eliminating terrorism, promoting democracy, or in the case of Afghanistan liberating women provides politically acceptable façades to legitimate the primary objective of creative destruction – the destruction of any preceding socioeconomic system to be replaced by the capitalist social order.

This is a multi-generational pogrom. The NATO states are currently committed to maintaining military forces in Afghanistan until 2024 to secure an “Enduring Partnership” (NATO 2014).

Considering that pacification of the many Peoples of the western territories of the U.S. took more than a century, this is likely just a beginning.

The enduring legacy of the Operation Enduring Freedom invasion that began 7 October 2001 is that Afghans – for both better and worse – are left to endure the freedom of investors to dictate the future of Afghanistan.

The first years of the joint struggle against the wall had some gains that drew activists to the struggle. However, for years the continuous joint struggle have much more gains, but not on the ground for people to see with their eyes. Gradually both Palestinians and Israeli activists dropped out with not so many to replace them. Still, on the weekly demonstrations the participants - Israelis, internationals, and Palestinians are far from any thought on quitting. We see the changes in the international arena. Taste of it is brought to us by the international activists who keep coming. If the weekly demos reminded activists the activity of Sisyphus of rolling a heavy rock uphill to the summit just to have it down again, it is clear to any one who see the whole picture that the rolling of the rock uphill again and again is decimating the hill and may be we are not so far from the last rolling of the rock up the hill.

Bil'in

6-4-16 Friday demo. 9 Israelis with the anarchists against the wall and dozen international activists joined the villagers and some guests. Just as we started to march down the hill - still in the village, the Israeli state forces started to shoot us with their long range tear gas canisters. Retreating a bit and malingering to evade the tear gas we prevailed. After the end of the first encounter we started again to march and got in response much more intense barrage of tear gas we prevailed it too - till the state forces went away and we scored another victory.
https://www.facebook.com/haytham.alkhateeb/videos/10207...3075/
https://www.facebook.com/Mohammed.Yasin.photography/pos...71646
https://www.facebook.com/Mohammed.Yasin.photography/pho...1678/
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1307655269250508
15-4-16 https://www.facebook.com/mohamed.b.yaseen/posts/9157992...19404
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=915797115186288 m
https://www.facebook.com/haytham.alkhateeb/videos/10208...6063/
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10209164062121797
22-4-16, 7 Israelis with the anarchists against the wall and 10 internationals - mostly from Spain, joined the villagers in the 581st weekly demo against the occupation, the settlers, and the wall. The Israeli state forces tried to disperse us but we only retreated few hundred meters.
After their third intrusion the state forces went away and we declared another victory.
https://www.facebook.com/haytham.alkhateeb/videos/10208...5238/
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=919531764812823
https://www.facebook.com/mohamed.b.yaseen/posts/9195320...12797
https://www.facebook.com/basem.yasen/posts/1279784285368359
29-4-16 Friday demo. New army commander and new regulations. 10 Israelis, and about dozen internationals joined the Bil'iners in the weekly demo. The Israeli state forces "allowed" us to exit from the village and even to cross to the foot of the hill before they started to shoot tear gas. As the northern wind was friendly some activists persist there all along the demo while others retreated and advanced in response to the state forces intrusions and retreats. After longer than usual the state forces went away and we declared another victory.
https://www.facebook.com/haytham.alkhateeb/videos/10208...4484/
https://www.facebook.com/Mohammed.Yasin.photography/pos...69478
https://www.facebook.com/anatllanat/posts/873190856123478

Qaddum

6-4-16 Friday demo, report by Murad Shtaiwi: a young man was injured by a rubber bullet and dozens poisoned by tear gas during the march in the memory of the Palestinian child day - for those wounded, arrested and often killed by the Israelis. -
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1582792008700149
https://www.facebook.com/abu.sivan/videos/1015409853781...2500/
https://www.facebook.com/haytham.alkhateeb/posts/102081...47329
29-4-16 3 youths injured with rubber bullets during KAFR QUDOUM march today
hot clashes between the Palestinians and dozens of Israeli occupation army during the suppression of Kafr Qudoum march today, this caused 3 injuries two with rubber bullets in back and stomach the third burned hand with tear gas canister.
The march today began at 1 bm as usual toward the closed street at the beginning there were no soldiers but after about half an hour the army and the border police came with huge bulldozer which chased the youths while removing the rocks from the road to allow the Jeeps chasing.
then it was unequal battle between us and the army who shot rubber bullets and tear gas canisters in all directions causing 43 suffocated cases according to PRCS.
The march finished at 3 pm.
https://www.facebook.com/amnonlotan/posts/10154091668477037

Ni'ilin

6-4-16 Friday demo
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10208571419100269
israelpnm https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=reuUU6vKVS4
15-4-16 https://www.facebook.com/muhamed.ameera/posts/104727461...44939
22-4-16 https://www.facebook.com/muhamed.ameera/posts/105177212...28521
29-4-16 In the West Bank village of Ni’lin, Israeli forces this week, unlike before, did not invade the village before the start of the demonstration. The demonstrators therefore marched up to the soldiers. Surprisingly – and in contrast to years of demonstrations, Israeli forces last Friday did not target civilian homes with tear gas or use any other means of supposedly ‘less-lethal’ ‘crowd-control’ weapons. Israeli forces did shoot some tear gas, but not the amounts the villagers have become used to in the years of struggle against the illegal apartheid wall separating them from the majority of their farming land. The villagers are now hoping, that the collective punishment of the whole village, the targeting of civilians and the use of excessive force has come to an end.
https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=1056567774415623

Nebi Saleh

8-4-16 Commemorating the battle of al-Qastel, Palestinians from the village of Nabi Saleh confronted the Israeli army protesting the continued colonial violence and land expropriations. Villagers commemorated the battle of al-Qastel of 1948, famous for the steadfastness and heroism of Palestinian resistance fighters led by 'Abd al-Qader al-Husseini against Zionist militias.
https://schwarczenberg.com/nabi-saleh-08042016
David Reeb https://youtu.be/kxE2xh5MOV4
15-4-16 https://www.facebook.com/Marah.100.7/posts/1101276873269454
https://www.facebook.com/belal.tamimi/posts/10153326084...16371
David Reeb https://youtu.be/gwkVl-YrjT4
israelpnm https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VrCS1h3qDpo
29/04/2016 After several of the village’s young men were released from Israeli prison, residents of Nabi Saleh confronted the occupying army, defying the army’s expropriation of their water spring. The soldiers fired barrages of tear gas on demonstrators, including the new and improved-range kind. No major injuries reported.
https://schwarczenberg.com/nabi-saleh-29042016/

Deir Istiya

In Deir Istiya, near Nablus in northern occupied West Bank, farmers continued their Friday protests started few weeks ago, against the closure of agricultural roads that are essential for them to reach their land and thus ensure their own and their families income. The protest, as during the last few weeks, started with a prayer close to the settler road that cuts the farmers off from their land and prevents their access.

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Don't say we did not know #495

In 1982 the IDF proclaimed as state land some 100 dunums (dunum = 1000 sq.m.) belonging to a Palestinian family of the village of Tafuh, west of Hebron, south of the settlement Adora. In 2000 a quarry was established there by an Israeli company, Elyakim Ben Ari.

On March 23, 2016, bulldozers of the IDF cleared some 30 dunums, belonging to the same family, to expand the quarry.

Questions and queries: amosg@shefayim.org.il

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Don’t say we did not know #496

On Sunday, April 3, 2016 two shepherds from the Palestinian village Mnezel (situated in the South Hebron Hills) – near the settlement Metsudat Yehuda crossed with their herd into Israel (around Jinbeh). Green Patrol inspectors could not stand this horrible violation and confiscated the herd – 150 sheep and goats were locked up in a sheepfold near Jericho. Now the sum of NIS 17,000 is demanded of the shepherds in order to get back their herd.
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On Tuesday, April 5, 2016, govt. agents escorted by police arrived and demolished El-Araqib yet again.

Don't say we did not know #497

On Wednesday, April 6, 2016, Israeli soldiers arrived at the Palestinian village Umm El-Kheir, in the south Hebron hills region, near the expansion of the settlement Carmel, and demolished six homes. 35 people were made homeless. The inhabitants are Bedouins, the Hadlin family, of the Jahalin tribe. They purchased the land where they live in the 1950s after being expelled from Israel.
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On Wednesday, 06/04/16, government agents escorted by police, arrived and demolished a home in El-Bat, near road 31, in front of Nevatim junction. In El-Sayyed, near Hura, they demolished a wall under construction.

Don't say we did not know #498

For years now, inhabitants of the Palestinian village Ni'ilin have demonstrated against the separation fence, with support of Israelis and peace activists from around the world. The fence separated 2,500 dunums (dunum = 1000 sq.m.) of the village land from the village itself, leaving the land on the western side.
During the demonstration that took place on Friday, April 8, 2016, the demonstrators reached soldiers standing in the fields of the village. The demonstrators argued with the soldiers. The soldiers declared the area a closed military zone. The demonstrators retreated into the village. The soldiers began firing tear gas and rubber coated bullets. The gas grenades were fired into the village as collective punishment. For the last two months they have extended their firing range.
Questions & queries: amosg@shefayim.org.il

Don't Say We Didn't Know 499

In November 2015, the Israeli army began to widen the road leading from Hares Junction towards the settlements of Immanuel, Yakir and Nofim. The wider road will now block passage (of five roads) to 20,000 dunams of farm lands belonging to the Palestinian villagers of Deir Istiya. On Friday, April 15, 2016, the villagers held a peaceful demonstration protesting the blockage of their access to their own lands. A settler passing by stopped his vehicle and began shouting at the demonstrators. Soldiers arriving on the spot protected him and fired tear-gas at the demonstrators. Four of them were taken to hospital and seven treated on site.

On Tuesday (April 19), government agents escorted by police demolished yet again the Negev Bedouin village of Al Arakib

Don't say we did not know #500

In the beginning of October 2015, an Israeli army force entered the village of Beit Umar, south of Bethlehem. In the turmoil caused by the army's entry, Ibrahim 'Awwad was shot in his head. Ibrahim was a father of two, with a pregnant wife. He died a few days later.
In the early morning of Monday, April 25, 2016, Israeli soldiers entered the home of Ibrahim's parents, and searched the place. A female soldier demanded Ibrahim's mother to strip, twice. The soldiers wreaked havoc in the house and took a large quantity of money and jewellery (3000 NIS and 150 Jordanian Dinars).

For further information: amosg@shefayim.org.il

1st of May demo in Haifa organized by the anarchist communist Ahdut (Unity) + radicals. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=glgST5J6QVY
https://www.facebook.com/unityahdut/posts/1233040153387834

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* From my blog at: http://ilanisagainstwalls.blogspot.com
See at the blog previous reports about the joint struggles the Anarchists Against the Wall take part in.
See also: Stories from the year 2100 - 50 years after the revolution
http://awalls.org http://ilan.shalif.com/anarchy/glimpses/glimpses.html
http://ilan.shalif.com/anarchy/glimpses/glimpses-it.html
http://ilan.shalif.com/anarchy/glimpses/glimpses-heb.html