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international / the left Thursday July 10, 2014 16:28 byWayne Price
The leader of the International Marxist Tendency has written an attack on anarchism from his Trotskyist perspective. He makes some correct criticisms of some versions of anarchism, in relation to those who reject revolution or political organization. But he attempts to defend the idea of a "workers' state" by limited quotes from Lenin and by mistating the history of the Russian Revolution.Why should anarchists read about a Trotskyist attack on anarchism? For that matter, why should anyone learn about a point of view with which they know they disagree? There are at least two reasons. First, we anarchists will have to work with Trotskyists, discuss with them, debate with them. They are all over movements of opposition! We should know what they think. We may have to argue with them in front of other people who are deciding between Trotskyism and anarchism. We may discuss with Trotskyists who might be open to changing their minds...[Italiano]
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 4 comments (last - monday january 26, 2015 12:31)
southern africa / the left Wednesday May 07, 2014 21:28 byShawn Hattingh & Jonathan Payn
There has been much hype, amongst the media and sections of the public, in the run up to this year’s provincial and national elections in South Africa and, for some, the arrival of new parties to the electoral arena has renewed their faith in the possibility of an electoral solution to the myriad of problems facing South Africa. Politicians from across all parties have been using this hype and a seemingly renewed faith in the ballot box to their advantage.The question, therefore, is: can equality, socialism, national liberation or ‘economic freedom’ – or even a respite from state violence – for a majority be brought about through parties and activists entering into the state or through voting for parties that promise not to use the state for violent or oppressive means; or will this only lead to a dead-end for the working class yet again?
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2 comments (last - tuesday may 13, 2014 21:37)
international / the left Tuesday December 03, 2013 22:09 byJan Makandal
Sectarianism is an ideological practice, a comportment, in the ideological realm. It is rooted in the social division of labor into classes, which originated with the emergence of a gender-based division of labor in hunter/forager social formations, which itself corresponded to and resulted from the development of various relations of gender-based domination and subordination.The fundamental basis of sectarianism is the historical development of private ownership. All the historical tendencies produced at the level of the superstructure (the political and ideological systems) — especially in the ideological field — reproduce the social reality of private ownership. This is not always necessarily for directly economic reasons, but will still have economic effects (such as competition). Sectarianism has its roots in individualism, in the promotion of personification, self-identity and self-centeredness that capitalism relies on to divide the working class and stifle its collective strength.
mashriq / arabia / iraq / la izquierda Friday September 20, 2013 14:00 byALB Noticias
Hace tiempo que se va oyendo hablar sobre el Confederalismo Democrático en el Kurdistán. Se trata de una idea político-social aplicada al contexto de Oriente Medio que no busca imponer estados-nación independientes. Nos pusimos en contacto con el blog de Solidaridad Kurdistán para comprender mejor este viraje histórico de un movimiento de liberación nacional con más de 30 años a sus espaldas. En esta entrevista se desarrollan las claves sobre esta idea anti-estatista que se basa en parte en las ideas de Murray Bookchin sobre la Ecología Social y el Municipalismo Libertario. [Français] [Català] [Italiano]Leer también:
bolivia / peru / ecuador / chile / la izquierda Tuesday September 10, 2013 20:34 byPeriódico Solidaridad
Ha llegado un nuevo septiembre, y éste no puede estar más cargado de simbolismo. Como recordábamos el mes pasado, se cumplen 40 años del golpe de Estado ocurrido el 11 de septiembre de 1973, mediante el cual la burguesía chilena, con el activo apoyo del gobierno de los Estados Unidos, derrocó al gobierno de la Unidad Popular y abrió un período de intensa represión contra la izquierda y el pueblo organizado.Si hay una lección que las y los libertarios creemos que es necesario recuperar de aquellos años es el afán de construcción colectiva y de generar la unidad necesaria para construir la fuerza social capaz de realizar cambios estructurales. Los desafíos que como izquierda tenemos por delante son enormes.Ante un proceso acelerado de reacomodo de las fuerzas del bloque dominante, que busca encauzar y cooptar la protesta social, se hace urgente que forjemos espacios de articulación que no pivoten en torno a tal o cual opción táctica, sino en torno a los objetivos estratégicos de proyectar políticamente lo acumulado en estos años de resurgir del movimiento popular y de disputarle la hegemonía a los dueños del país. En ese sentido, resulta útil recordar hoy el sentido de generosidad política y de unidad en la diversidad que permitió al pueblo y a la izquierda, por encima de las diferencias, constituirse en el actor central de la vida nacional. [English] [Ελληνικά]Leer también:
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Sat 20 Apr, 10:19
Trotsky's "Transitional Program" has both strengths and weaknesses from the viewpoint of revolutionary anarchist-socialism. It is an important document of historical socialism, although deeply flawed. Critical reflections on identity politics and separatism, acknowledging intersectionality and getting inspiration from the revolutionary struggles in Turkey and Kurdistan. Marx & Engels Communist Manifesto from the perspective of an anarchist. Most of its class analysis is still valuable, but anarchists reject much of its political and economic program. An anarchist review of Mark R. Levin's far-right best-seller, American Marxism (2021) NY: Threshold Editions/Simon & Schuster A rant about the 105th anniversary of the NZ Labour Party. A presente carta foi escrita durante o mês de Abril de 2021 com objetivo de ser restrita a militância da FOB (Federação das Organizações Sindicalista Revolucionárias do Brasil), por esse motivo tivemos de editá-la e suprimir alguns trechos que poderiam expor militantes e a organização, sendo assim já advertimos que a leitura pode ficar dificultada para a militância externa a FOB. Decidimos publicizar nossa carta de ruptura após recebermos uma resposta a mesma no início de Junho, onde ficou explícito o não compromisso com a verdade, a responsabilização individualizada sobre alguns dos ex-militantes e a tentativa de descredibilizar nossas ações a fim de evitarmos chegar ao ponto da ruptura. Para além disto a resposta da FOB à nossa carta não responde nenhuma das críticas apontadas, sendo assim resolvemos deixar público o esclarecimento sobre o motivo de nossa desfiliação para que a base da nossa ex-organização tenha acesso ao real motivo de nossa saída das fileiras desta. Τελικά, η ίδια η ύπαρξη είναι από μόνη της μια νίκη, επομένως, ένας ρόλος εκδηλώνεται από μόνος του, ένας ρόλος που να εκπροσωπήσει τις φωνές των βιετναμέζων ριζοσπαστών. Στοχεύουμε στη μελλοντική εργατική τάξη, στη νεολαία, που διαιωνίζουν τον καπιταλισμό και το κράτος και καταπιέζονται από αυτούς, ώστε να μπορούν να σπάσουν τις καταπιεστικές του αλυσίδες. Declaración del Frente Anarquista Organizado (FAO) de la Región Chilena, solidarizando con el pueblo colombiano y su levantamiento popular. Mandamos un fraternal saludo a las y los militantes comunistas anárquicos que bregan por construir pueblo organizado desde las bases del mundo social; también, solidarizamos con la clase trabajadora del Estado colombiano y hacemos un llamado, pese a la censura en las redes sociales y en los medios, a seguir en las calles. ... to exist is in itself a victory, thus a role manifests itself, a role to represent the voices of Vietnamese radicals. We aim at the future working class, the youth, who are both perpetuating and oppressed by capitalism and the state so that they can break through its oppressive chains. Le 1er mai en France a globalement été une réussite, dans les différentes villes où l'UCL est implantée, comme en témoignent les différentes photos que nous ont fait parvenir les camarades et que nous relayons dans cet article. Dans la plupart des manifestations, il a été l'occasion de débattre et d'exposer nos revendications, particulièrement autour de la réforme de l'assurance-chômage puisque les précaires du secteur de la culture continuent d'occuper les lieux culturels à travers toute la France contre cette réforme inique. We are living in a world that for most people is broken and that has broken most people. It is not a god given world, but one that has been constructed by those in power and that has left most people mired in deprivation. Under COVID-19, this world has sunk to new lows. All is not lost though. There has historically been a section within the progressive movement – in different parts of the world and in South Africa – based around forms of radically democratic socialism that has not only tapped into the righteous anger of the working class, but has also sought to create a home and sense of belonging for people based on progressive values and principles such as mutual aid, solidarity and even love. If we want a better world, we need to revive the popularity of the types of politics, ethics, values, principles and practices that formed the essence – at their best – of such movements and update it for the context of the 21st century. Liberals and others declare that the defeat of Donald Trump and of his coup-attempts demonstrate that "the system works," that the U.S.A. has an effective "democracy." I cannot see it that way. A fundamental thesis which all varieties of revolutionary socialists and anarchists once generally accepted: this state cannot be used to create socialism (communism or anarchism). It must be overturned, destroyed, and replaced by alternate social forms. A review of the selected writings of Maurice Brinton. The ongoing capitalist crisis, and the impacts of COVID19, have made it clear that the capitalist and state system we live under is neither efficient nor just. Inequality has hit record levels and a small elite has more wealth than ever, while the very basics – such as a decent healthcare, water, housing, sanitation, food and electricity – cannot be effectively financed, run nor delivered. Politicians in every state abuse their power too and corruption is rife, only its severity varies. We see this even when there is a pandemic – some local politicians have even sold food parcels meant to alleviate people’s hunger during the COVID 19 lockdown. Parliamentary democracy is largely hollow with a majority of people having no real political power. The oppression of women and people of colour continues unabated and imperialism deepens everyday. Due to the ever-expanding nature of capitalism the ecology is on the verge of collapse. It is clear a movement for change and an alternative to capitalism and the state system is needed. One alternative that is proving to be viable in large parts of the Kurdish majority areas of the Middle East is Democratic Confederalism. In South Africa there is much we can learn, adopt and adapt from Democratic Confederalism for local movement building. Αν και ο Μαρξ σκόπευε να αφιερώσει έναν τόμο του «Κεφαλαίου» στο ζήτημα του «Κράτους», πέθανε προτού ακόμη μπορέσει να ξεκινήσει αυτό το έργο. Έχουμε, λοιπόν, αφεθεί στην αναδιατύπωση της «μαρξιστικής θεωρίας του κράτους» από διάσπαρτες αναφορές που λανθάνουν σε διάφορα από τα συλλεχθέντα έργα του Μαρξ και του Ένγκελς. Η ανάλυσή μου διερευνά τις μετατοπίσεις και τις αντιφάσεις στη σκέψη τους, καθώς και τη χρησιμότητα αυτών των αντιφάσεων που εξυπηρετούν την εσφαλμένη παρουσίαση της αναρχικής εναλλαγής. Por Bruno Lima Rocha – 14 de junho de 2020 During the late 1930s, Leon Trotsky and John Dewey, a leading U.S. liberal, wrote essays on the relation of means and ends in politics, and on whether Leninism led to Stalinism. I am going to discuss these works from an anarchist perspective. Αυτή η εκπληκτικά πρώιμη όσο και ρηξικέλευθη κριτική απόρριψη της μαρξικής θεωρίας καθώς και του πρώτου της βλαστού, της σοσιαλδημοκρατίας, από τον εν πολλοίς λησμονημένο αναρχικό επαναστάτη και ουμανιστή Πιερ Ράμους -φιλολογικό ψευδώνυμο του Αυστριακού Ρούντολφ Γκρόσμαν- γράφτηκε εν μέσω του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου, το 1916, και εκδόθηκε τρία χρόνια μετά. What happens next after Trump's impeachment and trial? What is the Democratic vs. Republican conflict really about? Does the Constitution provide any guidance? How should anarchists and other radicals position themselves politically? Escrevo estas palavras enquanto o povo equatoriano joga sua sorte nas ruas de Quito, Guayaquil, Cuenca e demais municípios e regiões do país. Este texto não pretende fazer um balanço crítico da luta indígena e social contra o Pacto 883 do traidor Lenín Moreno e tampouco uma análise de conjuntura a partir da intervenção do FMI no país. O tema de fundo é outro. Neste breve artigo, compilo observações dos embates recentes os quais participei neste início de outubro de 2019. A divisão por tópicos pode facilitar a leitura embora reconheça que na tradição mais “ortodoxa” dos textos das esquerdas, quebra o ritmo da narrativa. Entre prós e contras, seguimos,. The most well-known anarchist of the "sixties," Paul Goodman explored vitally important aspects of theory and practice: decentralism, community, liberatory technology, and utopian thinking. The first part of this series stated that, despite various well-intentioned efforts by forces on the extra-Alliance and independent left over recent years to unite working class struggles in South Africa, these largely have and will continue to fail to resonate with the working class, help build unity in struggle and form the basis of a new movement because of the theoretical understandings of class and power – and their strategic implications – on which they are founded and which are prevalent on much of the left. This article will give a basic overview of these theoretical understandings of class and power and their strategic implications and limitations and why it is therefore necessary to refine and develop understandings of class and power more capable of responding to the context of the neoliberal restructuring of the working class in order to advance the class struggle in pursuit of socialism. [Part 1] This is a lightly edited transcription of a talk given by Prof. Lucien van der Walt on a panel on the eve of the 2019 national elections in South Africa: the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG)/ Workers World Media Productions (WWMP) Public Forum, Isivivana Centre, Khayelitsha, Cape Town, South Africa 25 April. Elliot Li's book analyzes Maoism, and its roots in the Chinese Revolution, from an anarchist and libertarian Marxist perspective. Many liberals and other Democrats see Trump as the main problem facing the U.S. Therefore their focus is on defeating him in the next election (or impeachment). They focus on the electoral system and hope for salvation through government action. I disagree. Trump is a major problem, but he is the culmination of years of political and economic development, and is related to similar politics in other countries. The fight against Trumpism requires a non-electoral and militant program. Twenty-five years into democracy the black working class majority in South Africa has not experienced any meaningful improvements in its conditions. The apartheid legacy of unequal education, healthcare and housing and the super-exploitation of black workers continues under the ANC and is perpetuated by the neoliberal policies it has imposed. The only force capable of changing this situation is the working class locally and internationally. Yet to do so, struggles need to come together, new forms of organisation appropriate to the context are needed; and they need both to be infused with a revolutionary progressive politics and to learn from the mistakes of the past. Outside the ANC alliance, there have indeed been many efforts to unite struggles – but these have largely failed to resonate with the working class in struggle and form the basis of a new movement. Nowhere is this more evident than with the newly-formed Socialist Revolutionary Workers Party (SRWP) – which got less than 25 000 votes in the national elections, despite the fact that the union that conceived it, Numsa, claims nearly 400 000 members. [Part 2] Eimhéar Ní Fhearóir responds to the election analysis offered by Sinn Fein's Natalie Treacy. Eimhéar Ní Fhearóir is an anarchist who was previously involved with republican activism. En la tarde del pasado miércoles 13 de marzo se realizó una concentración en defensa de la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP), ante las objeciones que el gobierno de Iván Duque del Centro Democrático, presento a puntos sustanciales de esta legislación, surgida en marco del proceso de paz entre el gobierno de Juan Manuel Santos con la antigua insurgencia de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), proceso al que Duque y su partido se opusieron de forma sistemática y hoy en el poder se han propuesta “hacer trizas” de forma progresiva. più >> |
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