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north america / mexico / anarchist movement / other libertarian press Saturday September 15, 2018 06:02 byMike Harris

Some on-line copies of "The North American Anarchist", publication of the Anarchist-Communist Federation of North America (ACF).

1. "North American Anarchist:The Newspaper Dedicated To Direct Action", Vol. 1, No. 1, October / November 1979 --- https://issuu.com/randalljaykay/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no1octnov

2. "North American Anarchist", Vol. 1, No. 3, February / March 1980 ----- https://issuu.com/dragonflyarchive/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no3febmar

3. "North American Anarchist", Vol, 1, No. 4, April / May 1980 ----- https://issuu.com/randalljaykay/docs/northamericananarchistaprilmay1980.

4. "North American Anarchist", Vol. 1, No. 5, June / July 1980 --- https://issuu.com/dragonflyarchive/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no5juneju

5. "North American Anarchist", Vol. 1, No. 7, October - November 1980 --- https://issuu.com/dragonflyarchive/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no7octnov

6. "North American Anarchist", Vol. 1, No. 9, March - April 1981 --- https://issuu.com/dragonflyarchive/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no9marapr

7. "North American Anarchist", Vol. 1, No. 10, May - June 1981 --- https://issuu.com/dragonflyarchive/docs/northamericananarchistvol1no10mayju

Βόρεια Αμερική / Μεξικό / Καταστολή / Φυλακές / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Monday September 10, 2018 22:08 byΔιεθνές Συνδικ. Γραφείο

Ως Διεθνές Συνδικαλιστικό Δίκτυο Αλληλεγγύης και Αγώνα υπερασπιζόμαστε την ίση πληρωμή για ίση εργασία. Δεν μπορεί να γίνεται ανεκτό κρατούμενοι που έχουν να υπομένουν την ίδια την φυλάκιση, να δέχονται και εργασιακή εκμετάλλευση. Θεωρούμε ευθέως υπεύθυνες τις πολιτείες που φυλακίζουν αυτούς τους ανθρώπους για αυτές τις πρακτικές.
Καταγγέλλουμε, επίσης, την πίεση και τις απειλές που ασκούν οι κρατικές δύναμης καταστολής προς τους απεργούς κρατουμένους, προκειμένου να καταστείλουν την κινητοποίηση τους και να φιμώσουν τις δράσεις τους.

Ανακοίνωση του Διεθνούς Συνδικαλιστικού Δικτύου Αλληλεγγύης και Αγώνα για την απεργία των φυλακισμένων στις ΗΠΑ

ΑΛΛΗΛΕΓΓΥΗ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΗΡΙΞΗ
ΣΤΗΝ ΑΠΕΡΓΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΦΥΛΑΚΙΣΜΕΝΗΣ ΕΡΓΑΤΙΚΗΣ ΤΑΞΗΣ
ΣΤΙΣ ΗΝΩΜΕΝΕΣ ΠΟΛΙΤΕΙΕΣ

Από τις 21 Αυγούστου, οι κρατούμενοι στις φυλακές των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών βρίσκονται σε απεργία. Οι κρατούμενοι, οι οποίοι δουλεύουν στη φυλακή για λογαριασμό δημόσιων και ιδιωτικών επιχειρήσεων, κατήγγειλαν τις συνθήκες της εργασιακής εκμετάλλευσης που υπόκεινται, όπως επίσης και την έλλειψη σεβασμού στα βασικά Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα στους χώρους συνεύρεσης τους.

Μεταξύ των διεκδικήσεων τους, απαιτούν να τελειώσει ο ρατσισμός και οι διακρίσεις στο αμερικανικό δικαστικό σύστημα, την ανάκληση όλων των ρατσιστικών νόμων και την κατάργηση των νόμων που απαγορεύουν την συνδικαλιστική τους ένωση για να υπερασπιστούν τα εργασιακά τους δικαιώματα. Παρόλο που κατά την διάρκεια τέλεσης της ποινής τους, δουλεύουν και προσφέρουν υπηρεσίες που η δημόσια διοίκηση πουλάει σε δημόσιες και ιδιωτικές εταιρείες.

Η απεργία αρχικά προωθήθηκε από τους Jailhouse Lawyers Speak («Οι Δικηγόροι των Φυλακών Μιλούν»), ένα δίκτυο κρατουμένων που παλεύουν για τα δικαιώματα τους στο σωφρονιστικό ίδρυμα του Lee, στην Νότια Καρολίνα. Μετά από τρεις μέρες, η απεργία των κρατουμένων είχε επεκταθεί σε φυλακές στο Χάλιφαξ, την Βόρεια Καρολίνα, την Νέα Σκωτία, την Νότια Καρολίνα, την Τζόρτζια, το κέντρο κράτησης της Τακόμα στην Φλόριντα, το Φόλσομ στην Καλιφόρνια και την Γουασιγκτόν. Στην Τακόμα, οι κρατούμενοι του κέντρου κράτησης είναι μετανάστες εργάτες χωρίς χαρτιά, που βρίσκονται επίσης σε απεργία (κυρίως απεργία πείνας) σε αλληλεγγύη με την απεργία των κρατουμένων και με όλους τους ανθρώπους που έχουν φυλακιστεί άδικα.

Μεταξύ άλλων, οι δράσεις που χρησιμοποιούν οι κρατούμενοι εργάτες συμπεριλαμβάνουν την απεργία κατανάλωσης απέχοντας από τα συσσίτια των φυλακών και δεσμεύονται σε απεργίες πείνας και μη-βίαιες καθιστικές διαμαρτυρίες, όπως επίσης και την εργατική απεργία.

Ως Διεθνές Συνδικαλιστικό Δίκτυο Αλληλεγγύης και Αγώνα υπερασπιζόμαστε την ίση πληρωμή για ίση εργασία. Δεν μπορεί να γίνεται ανεκτό κρατούμενοι που έχουν να υπομένουν την ίδια την φυλάκιση, να δέχονται και εργασιακή εκμετάλλευση. Θεωρούμε ευθέως υπεύθυνες τις πολιτείες που φυλακίζουν αυτούς τους ανθρώπους για αυτές τις πρακτικές.

Καταγγέλλουμε, επίσης, την πίεση και τις απειλές που ασκούν οι κρατικές δύναμης καταστολής προς τους απεργούς κρατουμένους, προκειμένου να καταστείλουν την κινητοποίηση τους και να φιμώσουν τις δράσεις τους.

Δεσμευόμαστε να λειτουργήσουμε σαν ένα μεγάφωνο για τους εργάτες κρατούμενους που απεργούν, όπως επίσης και να στηρίξουμε όλες τις δράσεις υποστήριξης που οργανώνονται εκτός των φυλακών.
-Για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα, ενάντια στον ρατσισμό και τις διακρίσεις!
-Για τον σεβασμό και το τέλος της εργασιακής εκμετάλλευσης των κρατουμένων!

#PrisionStrike #August21

Οι οργανώσεις μέλη του Διεθνούς Συνδικαλιστικού Δικτύου Αγώνα και Αλληλεγγύης:

Central Sindical e Popular Conlutas (CSP-Conlutas) – Βραζιλία.
Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) – Ισπανία.
Union syndicale Solidaires (Solidaires) – Γαλλία.
Confédération Générale du Travail du Burkina (CGT-B) – Μπουρκίνα Φάσο.
Confederation of Indonesia People’s Movement (KPRI) – Ινδονησία.
Confederación Intersindical (Intersindical) – Ισπανία.
Confédération Générale Autonome des Travailleurs en Algérie (CGATA) – Αλγερία.
Batay Ouvriye – Αϊτή.
Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI) – Ιταλία.
Confédération Nationale des Travailleurs – Solidarité Ouvrière (CNT SO) – Γαλλία.
Sindicato de Comisiones de Base (CO.BAS) – Ισπανία.
Organisation Générale Indépendante des Travailleurs et Travailleuses d’Αιτή (OGTHI) – Αϊτή.
Sindacato Intercategoriale Cobas (SI COBAS) – Ιταλία.
Confédération Nationale du Travail (CNT-f) – Γαλλία.
Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya (IAC) – Καταλονία.
Union Générale des Travailleurs Sahraouis (UGTSARIO) – Ανατολική Σαχάρα.
Ezker Sindikalaren Konbergentzia (ESK) – Χώρα των Βάσκων.
Confédération Nationale de Travailleurs du Sénégal Forces du Changement (CNTS/FC) – Σενεγάλη.
Sindicato Autorganizzato Lavorator COBAS (SIAL-COBAS) – Ιταλία.
General Federation of Independent Unions (GFIU) – Παλαιστίνη.
Confederación de la Clase Trabajadora (CCT) – Παραγουάη.
Red Solidaria de Trabajadores – Περού.
Union Syndicale Progressiste des Travailleurs du Niger (USPT) – Νιγηρία.
Union Nationale des Syndicats Autonomes du Sénégal (UNSAS) – Σενεγάλη.
Unión Nacional para la Defensa de la Clase Trabajadora (UNT) – Ελ Σαλβαδόρ.
Solidaridad Obrera (SO) – Ισπανία.
Confederazione Unitaria di Base (CUB) – Ιταλία.
Independent Workers Union of Great Britain (IWGB) – Μεγάλη Βρετανία.
Ogólnopolski Związek Zawodowy Inicjatywa Pracownicza (OZZ IP) – Πολωνία.
National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT/TUC) – Μεγάλη Βρετανία.
Centrale Nationale des Employés – Confédération Syndicale Chrétienne (CNE/CSC) – Βέλγιο.
Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores del Sistema Agroalimentario (SINALTRAINAL/CUT) – Κολομβία.
Fédération Générale des Postes, Telecom et Centres d’appel – Union Générale Tunisienne du Travail (FGPTT/UGTT) – Τυνησία.
Trade Union in Ethnodata – Trade Union of Empoyees in the Outsourcing Companies in the financial sector – Ελλάδα.
Syndicat national des travailleurs des services de la santé humaine (SYNTRASEH) – Μπενίν
Sindicat dos Trabalhadores da Fiocruz (ASFOC-SN) – Βραζιλία.
Organizzazione Sindicati Autonomi e di Base Ferrovie (ORSA Ferrovie) – Ιταλία.
Union Nationale des Normaliens d’Haiti (UNNOH) – Αιτή.
Confederazione Unitaria di Base Scuola Università Ricerca (CUB SUR) – Ιταλία.
Coordinamento Autorganizzato Trasporti (CAT) – Ιταλία.
Syndicat des travailleurs du rail – Union Nationale des Travailleurs du Mali (SYTRAIL/UNTM) – Μαλί.
Gıda Sanayii İşçileri Sendikası – Devrimci İşçi Sendikaları Konfederasyonu (GIDA-IŞ/DISK) – Τουρκία.
Syndicat National des Travailleurs du Petit Train Bleu/SA (SNTPTB) – Σενεγάλη.
Asociación Nacional de Funcionarios Administrativos de la Caja de Seguro Social (ANFACSS) – Παναμάς.
Palestinian Postal Service Workers Union (PPSWU) – Παλαιστίνη.
Union Syndicale Etudiante (USE) – Βέλγιο.
Sindicato dos Trabalhadores de Call Center (STCC) – Πορτογαλία.
Sindicato Unitario de Trabajadores Petroleros (Sinutapetrolgas) – Βενεζουέλα.
Alianza de Trabajadores de la Salud y Empleados Publicos – Μεξικό.
Canadian Union of Postal Workers / Syndicat des travailleurs et travailleuses des postes (CUPW-STTP) – Καναδάς.
Syndicat Autonome des Postiers (SAP) – Ελβετία.
Federación nacional de trabajadores de la educación (SUTE-Chili) – Χιλή.
Plateforme Nationale des organisations professionnelles du secteur public – Ακτή Ελεφαντοστού.
Fédération nationale des ouvriers et collectivités locales – Union Marocaine du Travail (UMT-Collectivités locales) – Μαρόκο.
Centrale Générale des Services Publics FGTB, Cheminots (CGSP/FGTB Cheminots) – Βέλγιο.
Botswana Public Employees Union (BOPEU) – Μποτσουάνα.
Organisation Démocratique du Travail – Organisation Démocratique du Travail (ODR/ODT) – Μαρόκο.
Federacao Nacional dos Ttrabalhadores em Transportes Aéros do Brasil (FNTTA) – Βραζιλία.
Federação Nacional dos Metroviários (FENAMETRO) – Βραζιλία.
Namibia Football Players Union (NAFPU) – Ναμίμπια.
Palestinian Electricians’ Trade Union (PETU) – Παλεστίνη
Trades Union Congress, Liverpool (TUC Liverpool) – Αγγλία.
Sindacato Territoriale Autorganizzato, Brescia (ORMA Brescia) – Ιταλία.
Fédération syndicale SUD Service public, canton de Vaud (SUD Vaud) – Ελβετία
Sindicato Unitario de Catalunya (SU Metro) – Καταλονία.
Türkiye DERİ-İŞ Sendikasi, Tuzla et Izmir (DERİ-İŞ Tuzla et Izmir) – Τουρκία.
L’autre syndicat, canton de Vaud (L’autre syndicat) – Ελβετία
Centrale Générale des Services Publics FGTB, Ville de Bruxelles (CGSP/FGTB Bruxelles) – Βέλγιο
Arbeitskreis Internationalismus IG Metall, Berlin (IG Metall Berlin) – Γερμανία
Sindicato Unificado de Trabajadores de la Educación de Buenos Aires, Bahia Blanca (SUTEBA/CTA de los trabajadores Bahia Blanca) – Αργεντινή.
Sindicato del Petróleo y Gas Privado del Chubut/CGT – Αργεντινή.
UCU University and College Union, University of Liverpool (UCU Liverpool) – Αγγλία.
Sindicato di base Pavia (SDB Pavia) – Ιταλία.
United Auto Workers local 551 Ford Chicago (UAW Ford Chicago) – Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες Αμερικής.
Sindicato Uno Prodinsa, Maipú – Χιλή.
Industrial Workers of the World – International Solidarity Commission (IWW).
Transnationals Information Exchange Germany (TIE Germany) – Γερμανία.
Emancipation tendance intersyndicale (Emancipation) – Γαλλία.
Globalization Monitor (Gmo) – Χονγκ Κονγκ.
Courant Syndicaliste Révolutionnaire (CSR) – Γαλλία.
No Austerity – Coordinamento delle lotte – Ιταλία.
Solidarité Socialiste avec les Travailleurs en Iran (SSTI) – Γαλλία.
Basis Initiative Solidarität (BASO) – Γερμανία.
LabourNet Germany – Γερμανία.
Resistenza Operaia – operai Fiat-Irisbus – Ιταλία.
Workers Solidarity Action Network (WSAN) – Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες Αμερικής.
United Voices of the World (UVW) – Μεγάλη Βρετανία.
Unidos pra Lutar – Βραζιλία

Πρώτος ο Sacco, πριν εκτελεστεί φώναξε «Ζήτω η αναρχία!» και πρόσθεσε πιο ήρεμος «αντίο γυναίκα μου, παιδιά μου και φίλοι μου». Ο Vanzetti στην ηλεκτρική καρέκλα είπε «Επιθυμώ να δηλώσω ότι είμαι αθώος. Ποτέ δεν διέπραξα έγκλημα, κάποιες αμαρτίες ναι, αλλά ποτέ έγκλημα. Σας ευχαριστώ για όσα κάνατε για μένα. Είμαι αθώος για όλα τα εγκλήματα, όχι μόνο γι’ αυτό αλλά για όλα. Είμαι ένας αθώος άνθρωπος. Τώρα επιθυμώ να συγχωρέσω ορισμένους ανθρώπους γι’ αυτό που μου κάνουν».

Σαν σήμερα το 1927 οι αναρχικοί Nicola Sacco και Bartolomeo Vanzetti δολοφονούνται από το κράτος στην Αμερική. Στις 14 Ιουλίου του 1921 καταδικάζονται σε θάνατο με την κατηγορία για συμμετοχή τους σε αιματηρή ληστεία που είχε ως αποτέλεσμα τη δολοφονία δύο εργαζομένων. Όπως αποδείχτηκε πριν την εκτέλεση τους οι δύο αναρχικοί δεν είχαν καμιά σχέση με την υπόθεση. Παρολαυτά δεν άλλαξε η απόφαση του δικαστηρίου σχετικά με την "ενοχή" τους. Η καταδίκη τους προκάλεσε κύμα διαμαρτυρίας και αλληλεγγύης σε όλο τον κόσμο. 
Οι δύο αναρχικοί Ιταλοί μετανάστες δολοφονήθηκαν από το κράτος στην ηλεκτρική καρέκλα για ένα έγκλημα που δεν είχαν διαπράξει.

"Τα ονόματα του «ευγενικού τσαγκάρη και του ταπεινού ιχθυοπώλη» έχουν πάψει να αντιπροσωπεύουν απλά δυο Ιταλούς εργάτες. Σε ολόκληρο το πολιτισμένο κόσμο οι Sacco και Vanzetti έχουν γίνει σύμβολο, ο συμβολισμός της δικαιοσύνης που τσακίζεται από την Εξουσία. Αυτή είναι και η μεγάλη ιστορική σημασία αυτής της σταύρωσης του εικοστού αιώνα, και ήταν πράγματι προφητικά τα λόγια του Vanzetti όταν έλεγε «Η τελευταία στιγμή ανήκει σε εμάς – αυτό το μαρτύριο είναι ο θρίαμβος μας». (Emma Goldman - Alexander Berkman: Sacco and Vanzetti, The Road to Freedom, Vol5, Αύγουστος 1929 - https://manifesto-library.espivblogs.net/…/keimena-ton-ale…/)

Πρώτος ο Sacco, πριν εκτελεστεί φώναξε «Ζήτω η αναρχία!» και πρόσθεσε πιο ήρεμος «αντίο γυναίκα μου, παιδιά μου και φίλοι μου». Ο Vanzetti στην ηλεκτρική καρέκλα είπε «Επιθυμώ να δηλώσω ότι είμαι αθώος. Ποτέ δεν διέπραξα έγκλημα, κάποιες αμαρτίες ναι, αλλά ποτέ έγκλημα. Σας ευχαριστώ για όσα κάνατε για μένα. Είμαι αθώος για όλα τα εγκλήματα, όχι μόνο γι’ αυτό αλλά για όλα. Είμαι ένας αθώος άνθρωπος. Τώρα επιθυμώ να συγχωρέσω ορισμένους ανθρώπους γι’ αυτό που μου κάνουν». 
Η είδηση της δολοφονίας των δύο αναρχικών προκάλεσε κύμα διαδηλώσεων και συγκρούσεων με την κρατική καταστολή σε όλο τον κόσμο.

Το τραγούδι της Joan Baez στην μνήμη τους:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7oday_Fc-Gc

Περισσότερα κείμενα σχετικά:
https://manifesto-library.espivblogs.net/…/bartolomeo-vanz…/
https://manifesto-library.espivblogs.net/…/…/sacco-vanzetti/
https://manifesto-library.espivblogs.net/…/classwar-in-usa…/
https://manifesto-library.espivblogs.net/…/howard-zinn-sac…/

américa del norte / méxico / community struggles / other libertarian press Tuesday August 21, 2018 18:32 byKate Shea Baird

Este noviembre los movimientos de resistencia al trumpismo en EE. UU. tendrán su primera cita electoral nacional: las elecciones de medio término. En el contexto preelectoral, la victoria de diversas candidaturas rupturistas en las primarias del partido Demócrata ha generado muchas expectativas, algunas de las cuales se identifican abiertamente como socialistas, como es el caso de la candidata al Congreso Alexandria Ocasio. Todo apunta a que sectores importantes de la población consideran necesario no sólo ganar al partido Republicano, sino también echar a los demócratas establishment.

No obstante, en medio de este ambiente de ilusión y esperanza, hay voces que se preocupan por lo que vendrádespués. ¿Basta con reemplazar a los corporate Democrats con representantes ‘mejores’? Es en este contexto que la hipótesis municipalista está calando entre algunos electos locales y movimientos.

PARA EL MUNICIPALISMO, NO BASTA CON ELEGIR A REPRESENTANTES MÁS RADICALES, HAY QUE CONSTRUIR TODO UN ECOSISTEMA DE MOVIMIENTOS Y ESPACIOS AUTÓNOMOS

El municipalismo ofrece ventajas con respecto a la búsqueda tradicional del poder estatal desde la izquierda, ya que reconoce los límites de la política electoral y la democracia representativa. Entiende que el poder reside no sólo en las instituciones, sino también se ejerce en los ámbitos económicos, sociales y políticos. Para el municipalismo, no basta con elegir a representantes más radicales, hay que construir todo un ecosistema de movimientos y espacios autónomos que puedan impulsar la agenda de estos representantes desde fuera de los ayuntamientos (y, por supuesto, hacerles presión cuando sea necesario). Y el mejor sitio donde hacerlo es desde el ámbito local, donde las instituciones son más próximas y la movilización social puede ser más efectiva.

En los EE. UU. ya existen gobiernos municipalistas de referencia en Jackson, Misisipi y Richmond y California donde están surgiendo nuevas iniciativas alrededor del país. En julio, tuve la oportunidad de asistir al encuentro anual de la red de electos locales ‘Local Progress’, en Minneapolis, y a la edición norteamericana de ‘Ciudades Sin Miedo’ en Nueva York, donde pude observar y participar en los debates que se están produciendo en este movimiento incipiente. Además de los debates clásicos sobre las potencialidades y límites del municipalismo, salían tres cuestiones relacionadas con el contexto estadounidense, cuyo desarrollo seguramente definirá la evolución del movimiento allí durante los próximos años.

Aquí se puede: recuperando la historia perdida

Como pasa en muchos países, quedan dudas en los entornos activistas y políticos sobre si el municipalismo puede funcionar en EE. UU. En este sentido, uno de los retos es el de mostrar que el municipalismo no es una teoría utópica ni una importación extranjera, que puede funcionar, y ha funcionado, en los EE. UU. Y es que los EE. UU. tienen una tradición larga de asamblearismo y democracia directa que se ha perdido en el imaginario popular. La recuperación de esta historia fue una de las preocupaciones del filósofo preeminente del municipalismo, Murray Bookchin, en los 80. Aunque Bookchin era un estudiante ávido de las experiencias internacionales de lo que llamaba ‘las formas de libertad suprimidas y ocultadas’, como la Comuna de París o el anarcosindicalismo español, también era consciente de que habría que ‘hablar en inglés’ para poder construir un movimiento de masas en los EE. UU. Con esto se refería, no tanto a la lengua, sino a la necesidad de usar ejemplos próximos y familiares con los que la población estadounidense pudiera identificarse fácilmente.

Bookchin hablaba del ejemplo de los town meetings de Nueva Inglaterra, un modelo de democracia directa con sus orígenes en el siglo XVII, pero es importante recalcar que estas tradiciones no se limitan a la comunidad colonialista blanca. El municipalismo contemporáneo también puede beber de las historias de los ‘socialistas de alcantarillado’ que gobernaban la ciudad de Milwaukee durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX; la cooperativa ‘Freedom Farm’, fundada por la activista por los derechos civiles, Fannie Lou Hamer en Misisipi en 1967; organizaciones comunitarias como CHARAS, liderada por los puertorriqueños de Loisaida (Lower East Side en “spanglish”) en Manhattan hasta los años 90 y, más recientemente, el movimiento Occupy.

Es más, yendo al punto de partida, la recuperación de las obras de Bookchin a través de la reedición de sus escritos en formatos diversos, forma parte de este mismo proceso, ya que él mismo era neoyorquino.

Ejemplos como estos muestran que el municipalismo responde a un conducto profundo de la cultura política estadounidense y a cómo el país entiende a sí mismo: confederalista, con instintos libertarios, radical pero pragmático y comprometido con el autogobierno.

Más allá de la representación: en búsqueda de un modelo


Los debates más apasionantes que presencié en los EE. UU. se relacionaban con la cuestión sobre cuáles serían los modelos electorales y organizativos más adecuados para poner en práctica el municipalismo. Estos debates parten del hecho de que las leyes electorales dificultan o incluso imposibilitan que se presenten nuevos partidos, y que el sistema electoral no proporcional hace que sea más difícil que una candidatura nueva consiga representación. Por lo tanto, las preguntas que se hacen giran en torno a si es estratégico, o no, presentarse a través de las primarias del partido Demócrata y sobre qué tipo de relación hay que construir con partidos ‘terceros’ como los Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), cuya militancia ha crecido de 6.000 a 45.000 desde el 2016, o el Working Families Party (WFP), que lleva 20 años organizando campañas ‘grassroots’ a nivel local.

También se preguntan cómo lidiar con la tradición más personalista que generan las candidaturas unipersonales en los EE. UU. Eso pasa por la construcción de organizaciones que sean algo más que meras máquinas electorales y que puedan seguir movilizándose una vez que sus representantes entran en las instituciones. Este reto refleja uno de los pilares del municipalismo; la necesidad de construir un movimiento que pueda superar los límites de la acción institucional a través del trabajo desde fuera.

Ya hay ciudades donde se está intentando resolver estos debates a través de la práctica. Por ejemplo, en Jackson, Misisipi, el candidato de los movimientos, Chokwe Lumumba, ganó la alcaldía en el 2017 a través del partido Demócrata. Pero al mismo tiempo, los movimientos llevan años construyendo nuevas instituciones populares en la calle como la People’s Assembly y Cooperation Jackson, una federación de cooperativas locales.

En las municipales del 2015, en Chicago, ganaron escaños en el pleno el militante del DSA y candidato del partido Demócrata, Carlos Ramirez Rosa y el activista sindical y candidato independiente Tim Meegan. Los activistas que se habían involucrado en estas campañas electorales decidieron montar las organizaciones de distrito United Neighbors of the 35th Ward y 33rd Ward Working Families, para acompañar a sus nuevos concejales. Desde entonces, se han movilizado para exigir que el estado de Illinois derogue la ley que prohíbe la regulación del alquiler y para participar en los comités ciudadanos que defienden los vecinos inmigrantes de la deportación.

En Richmond, California, la Richmond Progressive Alliance (RPA) ha utilizado un modelo parecido. La filosofía de la RPA es ‘hacer campaña a través de la movilización y movilizarse a través de la campaña’. Desde el 2004, la alianza apoya equipos de candidatos para el pleno (aunque formalmente se presentan por separado) y candidaturas (ganadoras!) a la alcaldía a la vez que se manifiesta en la calle, ofrece formación y participa en coaliciones temáticas.

¿Munici-qué? La creación de una identidad común

ESTE PROCESO DE CONSTRUCCIÓN DE IDENTIDAD REQUERIRÁ DE UN LENGUAJE Y UNA NARRATIVA COMUNES QUE EXPLIQUEN QUÉ ES EL MUNICIPALISMO Y POR QUÉ SU MOMENTO HA LLEGADO

Por último, el municipalismo en los EE. UU. aún carece de una identidad colectiva clara. Actualmente el movimiento se conforma de unas pocas candidaturas electorales aisladas junto a redes de movimientos por la vivienda, la justicia racial y los derechos laborales, y las iniciativas de la economía social y solidaria. Muchas de las personas que ya están practicando el municipalismo -desde concejales hasta sindicatos de inquilinos, activistas del movimiento por las vidas negras o la lucha por el sueldo mínimo de 15 dólares la hora- aún no se identifican con el concepto del municipalismo, ni se reconocen entre ellas. La construcción del movimiento, por lo tanto, dependerá de la capacidad de replicar y articular las organizaciones que ya están trabajando en la línea municipalista alrededor de objetivos comunes.

Este proceso de construcción de identidad requerirá de un lenguaje y una narrativa comunes que expliquen qué es el municipalismo y por qué su momento ha llegado. Pero el reto no es solamente comunicativo: hay que crear una comunidad real a través de redes de personas y organizaciones. El encuentro Ciudades Sin Miedo en Nueva York este julio, inspirado en el que tuvo lugar en Barcelona el año pasado, marcó un punto de inflexión en este sentido. Allí, por primera vez, se encontraron activistas sociales y políticos y concejales afines de todo el país bajo el paraguas del municipalismo.

El movimiento municipalista en EE. UU. tiene mucho trabajo por delante: de organización, de campaña y de mostrarse capaz de lograr cambios concretos. Pero el hecho de que estos temas se están debatiendo en contextos diversos alrededor del país es muy prometedor. Gracias a su historia y cultura política, los EE. UU. son tierra fértil para que las semillas del municipalismo que se siembren ahora echen raíces y florecen.
north america / mexico / the left / review Saturday June 16, 2018 03:28 byWayne Price

Rev. Dr. William J. Barber is an important organizer of North Carolina's Moral Monday movement and now of the national Poor People's Campaign. He and his co-workers have organized large scale demonstrations and civil disobedience at statehouses across the U.S. He has worked to build a fusion coalition of oppressed and exploited people. This book provides a view of the political and religious thinking which has motivated him and many others.

“What does the Lord require of you but to do justice, to love kindness [mercy], and to walk humbly with your God.” Micah (Quoted frequently by Rev. Barber)

The Reverend Dr. William J. Barber became nationally known in 2013 for his role in organizing massive demonstrations of African-American and white working class and poor people in North Carolina. “Tens of thousands of people came for thirteen consecutive Moral Mondays” to rally at the statehouse. “By the end of the legislative session, nearly a thousand people had been arrested in the largest wave of mass civil disobedience since the lunch counter sit-ins of 1960.” (x)

Now he is the co-chair of the effort to re-build Dr. King’s Poor People’s Campaign, with demonstrations at state capitals across the country. Thousands of people have been going to their statehouses to take part in the largest coordinated civil disobedience action across states in US history. This is an effort to mobilize a vast “fusion movement” of a wide range of working, poor, discriminated-against, oppressed, and exploited women and men, together with people concerned about war and ecological destruction.

This book was written after Rev. Barber had organized the Moral Monday movement and before he had begun to build the new Poor People’s Campaign. It is an excellent introduction to his strategic and ethical thinking and to the faith which motivates him. The book covers parts of his family and personal history. That includes the physical ailment which has afflicted him for years but which did not stop his organizing efforts. However, I will focus on his overall thinking.

He calls for a “Third Reconstruction.” The first Reconstruction followed the Civil War, and was a time of unprecedented opportunities for the ex-slaves. It was destroyed in a violent conservative backlash which established Jim Crow. The “Second Reconstruction” was the result of the Civil Rights movement of the 50s and 60s, which ended Southern legal segregation. Now Rev. Barber is calling for a “Third” Reconstruction which will finally end racism and other forms of oppression.

The Fusion Coalition

Two things stand out in what Rev. Barber is doing. One is the kind of “fusion coalition” which he is working to build. The other is the moral/religious basis on which he is building it.

Consistent with the prophet’s instruction to “walk humbly with your God,” he prefers to call himself an “organizer” rather than a “leader.” From his first days organizing, he believed in a joint struggle of the African-American movement and of union organizing by workers (of all races and ethnicities), both supported by progressive forces in the church. “Civil rights could not be separated from workers’ rights….” (48) “Is the real issue today race or is it class? We answer: Yes, it’s race and class.” (128) But like his inspiration, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., he came to expand this conception while building a “fusion coalition” movement in North Carolina.

We had folks who cared about education, folks who cared about living wages, and others who were passionate about the 1.2 million North Carolinians who didn’t have access to health care. We also had groups petitioning for redress for black and poor women who’d been forcibly sterilized in state institutions, organizations advocating for public financing in elections, and historically black colleges and universities petitioning for better state funding….Groups concerned about discrimination in hiring, others concerned about affordable housing, and people opposed to the death penalty and other glaring injustices in our criminal justice system. Finally, I noted the movements for environmental justice, immigrant justice, civil rights enforcement, and an end to America’s ‘war on terror’.” (49)

Over time, people with these varying concerns pulled together. “Moral Mondays…resulted from the efforts of 140 organizations that had worked together as a grassroots coalition for seven years.” (xi) Through conferences and joint actions, the groups came to realize some things: “We all recognized the same forces opposing us….{But] there were more of us than there were of them.” (50)

At times, Rev. Barber had to finesse in order to be as inclusive as he wanted. For example, there was a state referendum on same-sex marriage, deliberately raised by the right to split the LGBTQ community from religious African-Americans. His movement took the position, “it wasn’t our job to endorse same-sex marriage….But the fundamental principle of equal protection under the law was a constitutional and moral principle which our movement had not only to endorse but also to defend….The codification of hate is never righteous. Legalized discrimination is never just.” (91) This argument was persuasive in the Black community.

Another issue arose when discussing with Janet Cohn, the president of Planned Parenthood. “I’d told her that with our broad coalition we could not endorse abortion, so she asked, ‘Can you support women’s rights and access to health care?’ Absolutely, I told her.” In turn, he asked if she would “speak up for a black women’s right to vote?” (108) She was very willing to do so—and did. The coalition expanded.

However, this agreement seems unclear to me. The question of “abortion” should not be whether the movement calls for abortions, which it does not. It is whether to support women’s right to chose whether or not to have abortions or other procedures. It is not over what opinion anyone (in or out of church) has about abortion. It is over whether anti-choice people should use the courts, the legislatures, and the police—the power of the state— to enforce their opinion on all women (which, among other things, violates the moral value of humility!).

How far this effort of coalition-building by Rev. Barber and his allies will go on a national level is yet to be seen. But it is a vitally important effort. In the time of Trump and the rising of the extreme right, this is a major effort at organizing a real resistance and fight-back by the oppressed, exploited, and endangered. That has been described as “intersectionality”—understanding the ways in which different oppressions interact and overlap with each other, and the fights against them interact and overlap. This sort of fusion coalition building is essential.

However, a coalition can be too broad. He writes, “We needed to come together with banks and businesspeople….” (38) Of a unionizing drive, he states, “The factory owners could not simply be our enemy. the community needed them as much as they needed us.” (17) But what if the rich are the enemy? What if they benefit from poverty, weak or no unions, super-exploitation of the workers, the extra oppression and poverty of People of Color, the divisions among whites and African-Americans and Latinos, and between straight and LGBTQ people, and among religions, and between genders? No doubt there are personally decent business people, but overall, as a class, it is in their interest to maintain all the evils which Rev. Barber and his coalition are fighting. And he says so:

The people most frightened by our fusion coalition were the elites who had inherited the spoils of white power and had run North Carolina by proxy for generations….What they had on their side, they knew, was money. [They are] shrewd businessmen….” (62) In North Carolina, the coalition faced “an avalanche of corporate funded extremism.” (93)

It is one thing to have a nonviolent approach to racist white workers. It is really in their self-interest overall to work with African-American and Latino working people, and they can come to see it. But it is against the self-interest of the capitalists to join with their workers. It is a weakness of nonviolence as a philosophy that it does not see this (I am not speaking about nonviolence as a tactic). Further, the view that “the community needs” businesspeople shows a lack of imagination, especially for someone who once discussed “establishing worker-owned co-ops.” (5) Under present conditions workers have to live with their bosses, but it is possible to think of an alternate, radically democratic and cooperative, way to organize an economy (see Price 2014).

Writing about the English Civil War (of Cromwell and others), Lawrence Stone concluded that a necessary prerequisite to any revolution was “polarization into two coherent groups or alliances of what are naturally and normally a series of fractional and shifting tensions and conflicts within a society.” (quoted in Foner 1980; 31). While not advocating a revolution, Rev. Barber is working at building a “coherent group or alliance” out of conflicted and fractionalized social forces. This is a deliberate effort, as stated in the book’s subtitle, to “overcome the politics of division and fear.” But people need to recognize that a “coherent alliance” of the people will necessarily be counterposed to another “coherent group” of the rich and powerful.

The Moral Movement

Central to Rev. Barber’s approach is a fundamentally moral appeal. In the words of the prophet Micah, which Barber likes to quote, the aim is “to do justice [and] to love kindness” (often written as “mercy”). His views are rooted in the African-American prophetic tradition. Theologically, he presents himself as a Christian “conservative.” He jokes that his politically conservative opponents are theologically “liberal,” in the sense that they ignore or twist the large parts of the Christian Bible which speaks of doing justice and loving kindness, of helping the poor, of supporting the least among us, of rejecting riches and power, of being humble, and so on. Nor does he limit himself to Christianity. He specifically rejects the view that the Christian church should be the only champion of ethical values in society. He includes all religions, making a point of including Muslims. “My Holy Bible is not the only holy book.” (105)

The Rev. Barber rejects what he takes to be “the liberal consensus that suggests that faith is either divisive or inherently regressive.” Instead he advocates “a faith-rooted moral movement that welcomes people of all faiths, as well as those who struggle with faith. (66) As a radical humanist, I too reject liberal condescension towards religious views or the belief that religion is “inherently regressive.” I respect all faiths. While some have used religion to justify the worst of oppressions (as Rev. Barber knows), religious faith has motivated great struggles for freedom and justice.

However I find his last phrase somewhat condescending toward atheists, agnostics, secularists, humanists, etc., as well as similar references to“people of no particular faith.” (38) I do not feel that I am “struggling with faith” or have “no particular faith,” since I have particular views of my own. In general, I have not found that non-theistic people are any less moral or ethically motivated than are believers in particular religions. (See Price 2009.)

Rev. Barber describes how he came to understand the importance of an directly moral approach when supporting a union-organizing drive at a North Carolina Smithfield hog-processing factory. “In the media as well as in the community, the story was simply one of workers’ interests versus business interests.” (69) It was difficult to develop community support. So they decided “to change the narrative by making the workers’ struggle a moral cause for our whole coalition.” (69) They exposed the hard work, the suffering, and the mistreatment of the workers and their families. “The public story was no longer one about workers versus bosses. It was about the moral challenge of people receiving the just fruit of the labor.” (70)

It is completely correct to point to the moral basis of a struggle, of the need to do the right thing, to do justice and love kindness in all our activities. However, as expressed, this can lead to a certain kind of blindness. Morality (justice and kindness) should not be counterposed to the self-interest of the oppressed. The issue of the Smithfield workers’ moral cause only became clear because they were struggling for their self-interest against that of the bosses. It is far easier for workers to see the justice of “receiving the just fruit of their labor” than it is for the bosses, whose financial self-interest lay in not seeing it. And it is easier for the community—and the members of the coalition—to see that justice if they realize that the struggle is in all their interests—because “We all recognized the same forces opposing us.” (50)

Elections and the Democratic Party

Most U.S. left and “progressive” forces have a strategy of electing Democrats to replace the Republicans, especially Donald Trump. (I am not talking about how isolated individuals vote every few years, but about the strategy of a movement.) The “Resistance” to Trumpism has become primarily a support for the Democratic Party. This party represents a liberal-to-moderate wing of the U.S. capitalist class. It supports capitalism, the attack on U.S. working people, the imperialist national state, and military aggression around the world. In words Democrats recognize the looming danger of global warming, but in practice they propose only mild and inadequate programs. As the failures of the Republicans has driven people to support the Democrats, so the repeated failures of the Democrats has driven people to support the Republicans. This includes the poverty, economic stagnation, low wages, and industrial decline of much of the country. Over decades, liberals, union officials, African-American community leaders, and other “progressives” have supported the Democrats as a “lesser evil.” The Republicans have consistently become more and more evil while the Democrats have become less and less good—that is, both parties have moved to their right. A minority of liberals have come to advocate a new, third, party as a strategy. This still relies on elections and the use of the government.

This is not Rev. Barber’s strategy. He notes that his coalition-building began “when Democrats were in power” in North Carolina. (52) The biased drawing of voting districts is something “which Democrats had engaged in as much as Republicans in the past.” (83) “No one was listening to poor people. Republicans and Democrats alike….” (88) He has worked for popular demonstrations and civil disobedience, rather than voting. Criticized for “not running…candidates who would champion our agenda. [He replied]…we will not win by starting a third party. We will win by changing the conversation for every candidate and party.” (124) He wants to raise “a clear agenda that doesn’t measure success only by electoral outcomes.” (129) He has opposed any effort to tie the coalition to political candidates or parties. He reports winning over working class and rural white people who had supported Republicans in the past, but were impressed that the movement was not a front for Democrats.

Yet his approach is not all that far from the liberal pro-Democratic strategy. He and his co-workers focus on statehouses and electoral laws. They protest the unfairness of the Republicans’ gerrymandering of electoral districts and their voter suppression efforts. These things are worth protesting because they are unfair and repressive. But even the purest, cleanest, representative democracy would still be dominated by the corporate elite. And even the best democracy would still be vulnerable to forces outside of elections as such.

For example, after the Civil War, the Reconstruction era had a wide range of African-Americans elected to state offices, he writes. “More blacks were elected to public office during the period from 1868 to 1880 than at any other time in American history….African-Americans wielded significant power in every statehouse.” (56) There was a coalition between African-Americans and many white Southerners. But all this electoral power came to nothing. The Southern white upper class, former slave owners and businesspeople, mobilized racism among the poorer whites. They armed these people, built up the Klan, instigated “race riots,” murdered and lynched Black leaders, used “violence, intimidation, and the passage of laws that, together came to be called Jim Crow.”(116) They took away the right to vote and all other rights, by legal and illegal measures. The national government, led by Republicans, did nothing in the defense of democracy.

Could this happen again? Consider the history of fascist coups in democratic European countries in the 20s and 30s or in the military coup in democratic Chile in 1973. To a lesser extent, even now, we have seen an African-American president be followed by a reactionary, racist, authoritarian president (who lost the popular vote), who has encouraged fascists, who has blatantly served the wealthy, and whose party has worked to suppress the votes of African-Americans and others.

It is dangerous to rely on elections and government power. The government is an instrument of the corporate rich and their agents and cannot be anything else. A mass movement has to built outside of and against the government and its big business masters. Even reforms are most likely to be won if there is a militant and independent mass movement. Lyndon Johnson's "support for the Voting Rights Act was in direct response to the coordinated organizing of Dr. King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference, SNCC, and local leaders in Selma, Alabama." (119)

Along with every other issue, there needs to be a focus on workers and their unions. This is not because they are the most deserving but because they have an enormous potential power. If the working people decided not to work for even a day, the whole system would grind to a halt. And they could potentially start things up in a different, democratic and cooperative, way. This would truly be a moral transformation of society.

Revolutionary Conclusions

Rev. Barber is aware that the racist capitalist system is facing a severe crisis. He quotes the radical economist Gar Alperowitz, “What we’re really beginning to experience is a process of slow decay, punctuated by a recurring economic crisis, one in which reforms achieve only sporadic gains.” (85) Barber adds, “Though we ended Jim Crow segregation in the 1960s…the wealth divide that is rooted in our history of race-based slavery is more extreme than it has ever been.” (xii-xiii) He warns that “Anything less [than a Third Reconstruction], I fear, will mean the self-destruction of our nation.” (xv)

The implication of these statements is that the struggle for reforms can only go so far. Limited gains may be won, and have been won, but they are harder and harder to achieve. “Only sporadic gains” are the order of the day. This poses questions for any popular movement of opposition, such as the Poor People’s Campaign.

It is necessary to build a fusion coalition to fight for reforms, but this is not enough. What is needed is a moral vision of a new kind of society, based on justice and kindness, freedom and equality, radical democracy and cooperation, in all their political, social, and economic aspects. The wealth and power of the capitalist class must be taken from it. Ordinary people—the working class and all oppressed—must be empowered. The Third Reconstruction needs to be a new American Revolution.

References

Barber, William J., with Wilson-Hartgrove, Jonathan (2016). The Third Reconstruction; How a Moral Movement is Overcoming the Politics of Division and Fear. Boston: Beacon Press.

Foner, Eric (1980). Politics and Ideology in the Age of the Civil War. Oxford/NY: Oxford University Press.

Price, Wayne (2014). “Workers’ Self-Directed Enterprises: A Revolutionary Program.” Anarkismo.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/26931?search_text=Way...Price

Price, Wayne (2009). “Religion and Revolution.” Anarkismo.
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/12320?search_text=wayn...price

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#Nobastan3Causales: seguimos luchando por aborto libre en Chile

#Nobastan3Causales: seguimos luchando por aborto libre en Chile

North America / Mexico

Fri 16 Nov, 09:23

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