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north america / mexico / anarchist movement / opinion / analysis Tuesday February 18, 2020 08:37 byWayne Price

**Many people regard anarchism and socialism as contradictory programs. This is based on the conception of "socialism" as state ownership of the economy. Yet historically, anarchists have regarded this program as "state socialism" or "authoritarian socialism." They have rejected such views in favor of "anarchist-socialism" or "libertarian socialism." This concept of anarchism as a variety of socialism remains important today in opposition to pro-capitalist "libertarianism" and to "democratic socialism"--that is, reformist state socialism.**

Many U.S. anarchists, or radicals interested in anarchism, are surprised to hear of “anarchism” as being “socialist.” Like most U.S. people they have learned to think of “socialism” as meaning state-owned industry—which would be the opposite of anarchism. (Similarly “communism” is usually thought of as Stalinist totalitarianism.) Also “the Left” is often interpreted as support for such state-oriented economic programs. This was the view of socialism propagated by the U.S. ruling class as well as by its opponents in the Soviet Union and similar states.

And yet, what sort of economy have anarchists advocated? They are anti-capitalist and want to take away the wealth and power of the capitalist elite. They want to replace private ownership of the means of production with collectivized, social, ownership—to replace economic competition with cooperation—production for profit with production for use—division into classes with a classless society, with no rich or poor, no specialized order-givers ruling over specialized order-takers. A chaotic, competitive, system would be replaced with overall democratic coordination (planning) from below. All of which is entirely consistent with the rest of the anarchist program of abolishing the state and all other forms of oppression: racial, national, gender, sexual orientation, and so on. What is this proposed non-profit, cooperative, economy but socialism?

In fact, virtually all anarchists, from the beginning, have called themselves “socialists” (and some have also called themselves “communists”). At the same time, they have always regarded themselves as “libertarian socialists” or “anarchist-socialists,” to the left of—and in opposition to—the “authoritarian socialists” or “state socialists.” Well before the Russian Revolution, they argued that—whatever the subjective desires of the state socialists—in practice that program would only create a form of state capitalism (with the state bureaucracy acting as the new, exploitative, capitalist class).

The first person to identify himself as an “anarchist” was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Proudhon usually “described himself as a socialist….Although he criticized both centralized democracy and state socialism, he still considered himself a democrat and socialist….Like Bakunin and Kropotkin, he argued against state socialism and called for a decentralized, self-managed, federal, bottom-up, socialism: anarchism.” (McKay 2011; 23)

In his 1910 entry on “Anarchism,” written for the Encyclopedia Britannica,, Peter Kropotkin wrote, “As to their economical conceptions, the anarchists, in common with all socialists, of whom they constitute the left wing…consider the wage system and capitalist production altogether as an obstacle to progress….The anarchists combat with the same energy, the State, as the main support of that system….To hand over to the state all the main sources of economical life…would mean to create a new instrument of tyranny. State capitalism would only increase the powers of bureaucracy and capitalism.” (Kropotkin 2014; 164-5; my emphasis)

The great Italian anarchist Errico Malatesta was a younger comrade of Bakunin’s and Kropotkin’s. In 1897 he wrote, arguing against the “democratic socialists,” ”From 1871, when we began our propaganda in Italy, we have always been and have always called ourselves, socialist-anarchists….We have always been of the opinion that socialism and anarchy are two words which basically have the same meaning, since it is impossible to have economic emancipation (abolition of property) without political emancipation (abolition of government) and vice versa.” (in Richards 1984; 143; emphasis in original)

Malatesta had supported Kropotkin’s “anarchist-communist” version of anarchist-socialism, but he stopped using the “communist” label after the Russian Revolution. He still identified with that tradition and with the end-goal of a libertarian communist society. But he felt that the Leninists had given the term “communism” an authoritarian reputation. Instead, Malatesta referred to himself as a “revolutionary anarchist-socialist.”

Noam Chomsky cites the views of the anarcho-syndicalist Rudolf Rocker as indicating, “anarchism may be regarded as the libertarian wing of socialism.” (Chomsky 1970; xii) Chomsky further quotes one of the U.S. Haymarket Martyrs, Adolph Fischer: “Every anarchist is a socialist, but not every socialist is necessarily an anarchist.” (xii)

So, by theory and by history, mainstream anarchism is a wing of the socialist tradition. Some of today’s anarchists attack “socialism” and “the Left” for things—statism, authoritarianism, reformism, misuse of technology, sexism—which the classical anarchists had long since denounced. Yet the earlier anarchists were clear that they were not condemning “socialism” but “state socialism.” They regarded themselves as being far to the left of the authoritarian Left. Therefore they had seen no need to reject “socialism” as such.

Right Wing “Libertarians” and “Democratic” State Socialists

This argument may seem abstract and archaic, but there are also current reasons for U.S. anarchists to keep the term “socialist.” One reason is the growth of a “libertarian” pro-capitalist movement. Anarchists need to distinguish themselves from this trend which is relatively influential. It draws on some of the same motives that attract people to anarchism—opposition to drug laws, to gun suppression, to sex laws, and to other forms of state oppression. When anarchists speak about their views, they are often accused by Leftists of sounding like these pseudo-libertarians. Unfortunately, these right-wingers use the same label of “libertarian” which anarchists have used since the 19th century.

These “libertarians” range in views from Trump-supporting Republicans to the Libertarian Party to some who regard themselves as anarchists. As free-market absolutists, they oppose laws which protect public health or worker safety. Some are for a “minimal state,” while others call themselves “anarcho-capitalists” (which is not a thing). These latter are against the bureaucratic-centralized state but do not object to bureaucratic-centralized corporate monopolies. They would replace the state with private armies of “rent-a-cops” hired by the wealthy—which would, in effect, become the new state.

These pseudo-libertarians claim to be in the tradition of “individualist anarchism.” This tradition is somewhat distinct from the mainstream of revolutionary anarchism from Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin onward. Many anarchists (such as Emma Goldman or Daniel Guerin) have sought to integrate the insights of individualist anarchism with socialist anarchism. In any case, the individualist anarchists were never supporters of capitalism and sometimes called themselves “socialists”. One of their founders, Benjamin Tucker, wrote in 1893 of “the two principles…Authority and Liberty” as the basis of “the two schools of Socialistic thought…respectively, State Socialism and Anarchism.” (Krimerman & Perry 1966; 62)

Iain McKay argues, “Anarchism has always been a socialist theory and the concept of an ‘anarchism’ which supported the economic system anarchism was born opposing is nonsense.” (McKay 2008; 7; emphasis in original) So it is important for anarchists to identify as ”libertarian socialists” and “anarchist-socialists” in order to distinguish themselves from these phony, “libertarian,” supporters of exploitation and oppression.

Another current trend to which anarchists must relate is the rise of “democratic socialism” (or “social democracy”). Due to various factors, including the obvious failures of capitalism, a large minority has become attracted to this sort of “socialism.” A review of political polling over the last decade reveals, pretty consistently, that a sizable number (between 30 to 40 percent) favors “socialism.” While this is only a minority, it is about the same proportion of the population as that which supports President Trump! Importantly, young adults are most likely to have a positive view of socialism and a negative view of capitalism—from 40 to 50 percent. (Polling is summarized in Price 2018.) This is reflected in the significant position in the Democratic presidential primaries held by Bernie Sanders, despite his self-identification as a “democratic socialist.” It is also reflected in the rapid growth of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) to around 60,000.

What people mean by “socialism” or “democratic socialism” is very uncertain. (Sanders himself does not advocate expropriating the ruling rich, nor socializing major sectors of industry; his model, he says, is the Nordic countries, such as Denmark, which are capitalist countries with major welfare benefits—benefits which are now under attack.) The DSA itself is “multi-tendency.” It even has a Libertarian Socialist Caucus. But its predominant tendency involves using the electoral system of the capitalist state--by "democratic" they mean working within the electoral system of capitalist representative (limited) democracy. For most of them this means participating in the Democratic Party (right now supporting Sanders and some others, such as Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez). This is in order to propose reforms which supposedly may lead to a socialist society. That is, they are reformist state socialists. Some of them regard themselves as “revolutionaries,” but they do not openly advocate overthrowing the existing state.

Not that “democratic socialists” openly propose a completely centralized, state-managed, economy. This is no longer possible even on the Left. They are also for workers’ management, consumer cooperatives, and local, municipally-owned, industry. Anarchist-socialists also include such concepts within their overall program of a self-managed economy—a program which can only be achieved through the overturn of the state. But for these “democratic socialists,” such ideas go together with nationalized industry and reforms enforced by the existing (capitalist) state. (See their proposals for a “Green New Deal”; Price 2019.)

Revolutionary anarchist-socialists should have a two-sided approach to this growth of interest in socialism. On the one hand, they should welcome the new, popular, hostility to capitalism and openness to alternate systems, summarized as “socialism.” This is not the time for anarchists to be rejecting “socialism.” Anarchists, too, are part of the socialist movement and have always been.

On the other hand, they must oppose all varieties of state socialism, both reformist (working through the existing state) and “revolutionary” (seeking to overturn this state and to set up a new state—the “dictatorship of the proletariat” or whatever). Anarchists are the authentic socialists, they must say. Reformist state socialists will only maintain the existing capitalist system—a system in crisis which can no longer provide significant reforms. Alternately, revolutionary state socialists (Marxist-Leninists) would, if successful, only create a new system of state capitalism.

The radical movement of the “sixties,” also began with a reformist program. The Students for a Democratic Society, the then-dominant organization, began as the youth group of the League for Industrial Democracy. This was a social democratic body which included Michael Harrington (who later started DSA). It was only over time that the youthful Left developed in a revolutionary direction—although one which was dominated by Leninist statism.

The pattern of movement from reformism to revolutionary socialism is likely to be repeated--this time hopefully toward libertarian socialism. The ongoing crises of U.S. and world capitalism will push the current radicalization further to the Left. The reformists will be unable to offer real solutions to the disasters which are looming over society. I am not proposing specific tactical directions (should anarchists join the DSA while opposing its electoralism and statism, or build independent organizations?). But revolutionary anarchist-socialists should be preparing for future developments by organizing themselves now.


Chomsky, Noam (1970). “Introduction.” In Daniel Guerin. Anarchism; From Theory to Practice. NY: Monthly Review Press. Pp. vii—xx.

Krimerman, Leonard, & Perry, Lewis (Eds.) (1966). Patterns of Anarchy; A Collection of Writings on the Anarchist Tradition. Garden City NY: Anchor Books/Doubleday.

Kropotkin, Peter (2014). Direct Struggle Against Capital; A Peter Kropotkin Anthology (Iain McKay ed.). Oakland CA: AK Press.

McKay, Iain (2008). An Anarchist FAQ; Volume one. Oakland CA: AK Press.

McKay, Iain (2011). “Introduction.” Property is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology. (I. McKay ed.) Oakland CA: AK Press. Pp. 1—52.

Price, Wayne (2018). “The Revival of U.S. Socialism—And an Anarchist Response.”

Price, Wayne (2019). “A Green New Deal vs. Revolutionary Ecosocialism.”

Richards, Vernon (Ed.) (1984). Errico Malatesta; His Life and Ideas. London UK: Freedom Press.

*written for

Οι άλλες γυναίκες την πολιορκούσαν σαν ένα αίνιγμα "Γιατί είσαι εδώ;" την ρώτησε μια φυλακισμένη. "Για κλοπή;", "Όχι”. “Διακίνηση ναρκωτικών;” "Όχι, τίποτα από αυτά" είπε η Ella, γελώντας. "Λοιπόν, τι έκανες και καταδικάστηκες σε δεκαοκτώ μήνες;" “Είμαι αναρχική” απάντησε η Ella.

Η φυλακή είχε τεθεί σε καραντίνα και όλες οι επισκέψεις είχαν ανασταλεί, εκτός φυσικά από την απελευθέρωση των κρατουμένων που είχαν εκτίσει την ποινή τους και την άφιξη των νέων. Μεταξύ των τελευταίων, ήταν και η Ella. Συνελήφθη μετά από ομοσπονδιακό κατηγορητήριο και μου θύμησε αυτό που μου έλειψε τόσο πολύ: τη δυνατότητα πνευματικής επικοινωνίας με μια φίλη. Συμμερίστηκε την αντίληψή μου για τη ζωή και τις αξίες μου. Από προλεταριακή οικογένεια, ήξερε τι ήταν η δυστυχία και η σκληρότητα της ζωής. Ήταν δυνατή και είχε κοινωνική συνείδηση. Αλλά ήταν επίσης ευγενική και στοργική και έμοιαζε με μια αχτίδα ηλιοφάνειας - έφερε χαρά στους άλλους κρατούμενους αλλά ακόμα μεγαλύτερη σε μένα. Οι άλλες γυναίκες την πολιορκούσαν σαν ένα αίνιγμα "Γιατί είσαι εδώ;" την ρώτησε μια φυλακισμένη. "Για κλοπή;", "Όχι”. “Διακίνηση ναρκωτικών;” "Όχι, τίποτα από αυτά" είπε η Ella, γελώντας. "Λοιπόν, τι έκανες και καταδικάστηκες σε δεκαοκτώ μήνες;" “Είμαι αναρχική” απάντησε η Ella.
Emma Goldman, “Ζώντας τη ζωή μου 1917-1928”).

Στις 21 Οκτώβρη 1918, η Gabriella Antolini οδηγήθηκε ενώπιον του δικαστή Kenesaw Mountain Landis και καταδικάστηκε στη μέγιστη φυλάκιση 18 μηνών και πρόστιμο 2.000 δολαρίων. Η 19χρονη αναρχική είχε συλληφθεί με 50 κιλά δυναμίτη και ένα πιστόλι.

Το “Κορίτσι δυναμίτης” (όπως την χαρακτήρισε η εφημερίδα) συνελήφθη στο σταθμό Union. Όταν ανακρίθηκε, έδωσε το λανθασμένο όνομα "Linda José", χαρακτήρα σε ένα αναρχικό παιχνίδι προπαγάνδας, και αρνήθηκε να συνεργαστεί με την αστυνομία.

Η Gabriella ήταν η κόρη του Sante και της Maria Antolini και είχε μεταναστεύσει στις ΗΠΑ το 1907 από το αναρχικό προπύργιο της Ferrara της Ιταλίας. Εργάστηκαν ως συμβασιούχοι εργάτες στις βαμβακοφυτείες της Λουιζιάνα, πριν εγκατασταθούν στη Νέα Βρετανία, στο Κοννέκτικατ όπου εργάστηκαν σε εργοστάσια. Όταν οι γονείς της ενημερώθηκαν για τη σύλληψή της, δεν μπορούσαν να πιστέψουν ότι ήταν η κόρη τους (αν και ήταν και οι ίδιοι αναρχικοί).

Μετά τη σύλληψή της, η Gabriella μεταφέρθηκε στο Waukegan όπου κρατήθηκε στη φυλακή Lake County για να περιμένει τη δίκη της. Ενόσω ήταν στη φυλακή, η Antolini σχεδίαζε μια απόδραση. Είχε κρύψει ένα μπουκάλι από γάλα το οποίο σκόπευε να κολλήσει στο τέλος της λαβής μιας σκούπας και με αυτό να “χτυπήσει” τον σερίφη της Lake County. Προτού μπορέσει να δράσει, μια συγκρατούμενή της ενημέρωσε τον σερίφη για τα σχέδιά της.

Μετά από δύο εβδομάδες στη φυλακή, η Antolini αποκάλυψε τελικά το πραγματικό της όνομα και άρχισε να λέει την ιστορία της. Δέχτηκε ότι ήταν συμπαθής προς τους Βιομηχανικούς Εργάτες του Κόσμου (Ι.W.W.) - υποστηρίζοντας την αλληλεγγύη των εργαζομένων και την ανατροπή της αστικής τάξης. Ήταν επίσης γνωστή και οπαδός του αναρχικού Luigi Galleani, ο οποίος υποστήριζε τη χρήση βίας για την εξάλειψη των "καταπιεστών".

Κατά την εκτέλεση της ποινής της στη φυλακή Jefferson City στο Μιζούρι, η Antolini συναντήθηκε και συνομίλησε με την Kate Richards O'Hare, αγωνίστρια του Σοσιαλιστικού Κόμματος που φυλακίστηκε για μια αντιπολεμική ομιλία, και την Emma Goldman. Οι τρεις γυναίκες έγιναν γνωστές ως "η τριάδα" και αγωνίστηκαν για τη βελτίωση των συνθηκών φυλάκισης.

Σύμφωνα με τον γιο της Gabriella Antolini, τον Febo Pomilia, η μητέρα του παρέμεινε αφοσιωμένη αναρχική μέχρι το θάνατό της το 1984.

*Μετάφραση: Ούτε Θεός-Ούτε Αφέντης”

north america / mexico / the left / opinion / analysis Monday January 13, 2020 10:26 byWayne Price

What happens next after Trump's impeachment and trial? What is the Democratic vs. Republican conflict really about? Does the Constitution provide any guidance? How should anarchists and other radicals position themselves politically?

As I write this, the U.S. House of Representatives has passed articles of impeachment against President Donald J. Trump—by its Democratic Party majority. Unless an asteroid hits the earth, Trump will be acquitted, by the Senate’s Republican majority. This is in spite of the way in which the personally vile Trump has repeatedly abused his power, broken laws, violated the Constitution, truckled to foreign governments for his own interests, and acted in a generally incompetent manner against both human decency and the interests of the U.S. imperial state. His actions include the caging of children at the U.S./Mexican border, the betrayal of the Kurds, a war on the environment, making money off the presidency, and, most recently, almost causing war with Iran without consulting Congress. These make the issues listed in the impeachment articles (which are real and justified) seem minor, like the indictment of Al Capone for tax evasion. After the Senate acquittal, both parties will gear up for the 2020 national elections, less than a year away.

At the same time, Democrats and Republicans have worked to produce several “bipartisan” bills of significance. This includes a lightly updated North American trade bill, opposed by the Autoworkers and Machinists unions and which does nothing against global warming The two parties passed a new military policy bill. At $738 billion it is one of most expensive military plans in U.S. history. It authorized a new branch of the military, a “Space Force.” It does nothing to prevent Trump from again raiding military funds to pay for his idiotic, nativist, border “wall.” It continues military support of the U.S. for Saudi Arabia’s aggression against Yemen. The bill was passed over the objections of a handfull of progressive Democrats and “libertarian” Republicans.

The Democrats claimed that this was the best military bill they could get. They pointed to its expansion of family leave for government employees. But really the Democrats agree with the Republicans on the key issues: the need for massive U.S. military power, bigger than the next 9 military forces combined; the need for dozens of military bases around the globe; for being able to wage several wars at once; for enough nuclear bombs to be able to exterminate humanity several times over. These goals have been carried out through a series of Democratic presidents and Democratic-dominated Congresses, well before Trump. Consider President Obama, who passed a hugely expanded nuclear missile program, stepped-up the war in Afghanistan, and used drones to kill people around the world in countries with which the U.S. was not at war.

These military and trade laws show the real nature of the political system we live under. Democrats and Republicans, while squabbling over the spoils, are in fundamental (“bipartisan”) agreement over maintaining U.S. military might and domination of world trade.

The Impeachment

As soon as he was elected in 2016, there were Democrats who called for Trump’s impeachment; these calls increased after the 2018 mid-term elections which returned the House to Democratic control. But the established leadership of the Democrats, especially Nancy Pelosi (House Speaker and Democratic leader), opposed impeachment. They felt that it was too dangerous for them politically, that it would turn off moderate “independents,” and that it might rouse up the Republican base. A number of Democrats had been elected in fairly conservative districts; better not risk their re-elections. There was only a year or so until the next election; it would be wiser to focus on health care, raising wages, drug policies, and other bread-and-butter issues. So they reasoned.

These calculations may have been right, from the viewpoint of conventional politics. We will see how impeachment actually impacts on the next election. But the Democratic leaders probably had no choice, once Trump’s shenanigans with the Ukrainians came to light. Lacking any sense of right or wrong, and being fairly stupid, the freakish Trump simply could not hold himself back from outrageous and illegal behavior. They had to respond.

The Republicans’ defense of Trump has been rather limited. He didn’t do it, and anyway you can’t prove he did it, and even if he did do it, it wasn’t so bad as to be worth impeachment and removal. Trump himself has rejected the last “defense”—he wants complete exoneration. The Republicans have tried to confuse the issue every way possible, by denouncing the Democrats’ motives (they don’t like the president!), condemning the process, claiming that Trump was really trying to deal with Ukrainian corruption (as if Trump was ever concerned about corruption besides what he could get away with!). They even puffed up the nutty conspiracy theory that the Ukrainians, rather than the Russians, intervened in the 2016 U.S. elections. (Why the Ukrainians? Why not the Zambians or Uruguayans?)

The Trumpites have a point about the Bidens. When Joe Biden was Vice President and frequently dealing with Ukraine for President Obama, his son Hunter Biden got a high-paying job on the board of a Ukrainian oil company. His only qualification seems to have been his last name. Whether there was any actual U.S. government help for his company, it was not very ethical. But for Trump, with his family making business deals all over the place while he is president, to cry “corruption” is laughable.

The Constitution

Everyone swears deep love for the U.S. Constitution. Indeed the Constitution is a founding myth of the system. It was drawn up by a coalition mostly of big landowners, merchants, and slaveowners. They did not want another king nor a revolutionary dictator (this was before the French Revolution but not that long since the English Revolution had resulted in the dictatorship of Cromwell). But they also did not want a “democracy,” which most of them regarded as mob rule. (“Your people, sir, are a great beast!” said Hamilton.) Too much power to the majority might result in breaking up big landed estates or cheap money policies which would benefit poor debtors. So they devised this system with its two houses (the Senate with six year terms), different election years for different positions, two Senators from each state regardless of population size, Supreme Court judges for life, limited controls on a president (an elected monarch), the Electoral College, and so on. The undemocratic aspects of the Constitution were so obvious, that the Jeffersonian left would only support it if they got a promise to add a Bill of Rights immediately after its passage.

The founders did not foresee the evolution of the parliamentary system, where an unpopular leader can be challenged through a vote of confidence. So they put in the impeachment process as an emergency control on a corrupt or dangerous president. They also did not foresee the two-party system, which has made impeachment such a difficult matter.

As history ground on, the Constitution got better in some ways, such as abolishing slavery, providing the right of women to vote, and being “interpreted” as including a “right to privacy” which protected women’s reproductive rights and LGBT people. But the current system remains essentially undemocratic, with its gerrymandered election districts, the domination of big money in elections, the massive lobbying, the biased media (now with overtly reactionary television and radio channels and social media), and so on. While not a fascist or Stalinist dictatorship, neither is this truly a democracy. That is why I am not excited by fervent statements of loyalty to the Constitution raised by hypocritical politicians of whatever stripe.

The Democrats are not so much interested in reviving the Constitution as in restoring business-as-usual for U.S. capitalism. They want the national state to be run rationally and smoothly. They want at least the appearance of concern over global warming, without actually ending fossil fuel use. They want to seem to care about benefits for the working class. They want other nations’ governments to trust the U.S. again, to rely on the U.S. military and diplomatic policies. They want reasonable government efforts to limit economic downturns, to the extent this is possible. They want immigration reforms to provide cheap labor for big business. They want to keep a lid on overt fascist and racist movements. They want trade deals to keep wages down and promote profits. Sections of the capitalist class which have traditionally supported the Republicans also want these things.

During the impeachment hearings in the House, the Democrats made a point of puffing up the security forces of the CIA and FBI, foreign affairs officials, military officers, bureaucrats, and others whom Trump has denigrated as the “deep state.” Instead, they praised the professionalism, honesty, patriotism, and honor of these people. Whatever their personal virtues (being more honest than Trump is a low bar), these people are part of the repressive and imperial apparatus of the state—what the left has long called the “permanent government.” They have overthrown foreign governments and supported terrorism around the globe.

Just recently a scandal broke out. It was shown that the FBI had cut corners and even lied to judges (!) in applying for warrants to investigate people. Since the victims were on the right (as opposed to leftists or poor people of color), this was shocking, shocking! Also a movie is showing about the CIA’s torture of prisoners and destruction of evidence afterwards (The Report, with Adam Driver). Such matters were not raised during the hearings.

The Underlying Problem

The Republicans and Democrats are thrashing about because they are dealing with an unprecedented situation. Within the U.S. and on a world scale, the capitalist economy is weak. After the shock of the Great Recession, the recovery has been weak, uneven, and brittle. Those at the top have gained much, while the rest of the population has had stagnant wages, insecure jobs, and poverty-stricken regions, with vastly increased inequality. Mainstream economists are greatly worried that when the inevitable downturn comes, the system will not have the resources to deal with it. Meanwhile global warming is advancing at an alarming rate, with nothing being done to moderate it, let alone reverse it (even as Australia burns). Wars continue to rage around the world, always with the background threat of nuclear extermination. The rulers of the U.S. are frantic about the decline of U.S. power and wealth in the world, which has led to the increased influence of China. Since at least Obama, the U.S. state had determined to “pivot” toward China (new military bases in Australia, etc.) but it has remained stuck in the secondary theater of the Middle East. Having a totally incompetent national administration has only exacerbated matters.

One result of these developments has been a massive increase in popular dissatisfaction. Given the U.S.’s politics and culture, much of this has been channeled into the right. Despite all his failures, Trump has the staunch support of about 40 % of the voting population. This Trumpian “base” dominates the Republican party. Once a broad right party, it has become utterly reactionary. A big minority of this minority is neo-fascist (for using guns to overturn the more-or-less democratic mechanisms of the state) while a small but vocal minority is overtly fascist (Nazi or Klan). This right-wing growth is partly due to racism, nativism, and misogyny. White evangelicals are at the core of Trump’s base, motivated by superstition and sexual hysteria (fear of homosexuality, women who are sexually free, and Mexican “rapists”). But for many people, attraction to Trump is also due to economic decline, poor jobs, and real suffering, all associated (correctly) with the status quo of established Democrats and Republicans.

On the other hand, there has been an increase on the left of liberalism and even “socialism.” About 40 % of the population has a favorable view of “socialism” and so does an even higher percentage of younger people. What “socialism” is, or what they mean by it, is quite unclear of course, but it is no longer an evil word to the extent it once was. Bernie Sanders has an apparent possibility of winning the Democratic nomination, while calling himself a “democratic socialist” and calling for a “political revolution.” The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) has grown to about 60 thousand members. Despite having an anarchist caucus, the DSA is strongly electoralist and deep into the Democratic Party. In no way is it as militant on the left as the Republican base is on the right. Meanwhile, the part of the historic left with the potentially greatest power, the unions, is mostly quiescent. Their leaders are totally tied to the Democratic Party, even as union numbers decline. There have been some important strikes, but no movement for a major working class struggle against capitalist attacks. But this may yet change as conditions worsen.

As the situation decays, the middle falls away. Even so, there are cries to return even more to the center—a center which is further to the right than it was in the past. As I write, the Democrats are torn between those who want to swing to the “left” and those who insist on sticking to the “middle”. How much should they promise the voters? How much should they worry about turning off their big donors? How much should they worry about the “moderate” voters (who have been deliberately miseducated by these same big capitalists)? How much should they rely on exciting their own base by promising them all sorts of new approaches? But will they risk disappointing their excited base when they are unable to carry out their promises once elected? (The DSAers are excited about “socialist” candidates but seem to have no knowledge of the history of socialist politicians elected to manage capitalist states. They are apparently ignorant of recent examples, such as Lula in Brazil, Syriza in Greece, the ANC in South Africa, Morales in Bolivia, Allende in Chile, the Labour Party in Britain, etc., etc., and so on. Socialist electoralism has never ended well.)

Personally, I regard Trump’s impeachment as probably a Good Thing But I doubt that even a Senatorial removal of Trump (not going to happen) would be a Very Good Thing. No, not even the defeat of Trump in the 2020 national election (a probable but not certain outcome). It would be good to see him gone, this disgusting human being and malign influence. But the fundamental problems would remain: the decline of U.S. and world capitalism, the growth of inequality, the looming environmental crisis, the continuing wars, the dangerous right wing movement (including the growth of outright fascism), and the incapacity of the rulers—conservative and liberal—to know how to handle any of this.

As the left wing grows, in rebellion against both the conservatives and the Democratic liberals, we have to build a revolutionary, anti-imperialist, libertarian socialist, direct action, and anti-electoralist wing of the movement. If at all possible.

north america / mexico / history of anarchism / opinion / analysis Wednesday November 27, 2019 03:04 byRobin J. Cartwright

The "Battle of Seattle," which began November 30th, 1999, was a major event in the history of US radical struggle, and one of the high-points of the "non-violent direct action movement." Exactly 20 years later, Robin J. Cartwright analyzes the the rise, fall, and inner contradictions of the non-violent direct action movement, as well as the lessons we can learn from it today.

NOTE TO EDITOR: Is it possible to publish this November 30th (20th anniversary of the 1999 "Battle of Seattle"?

[The following is a guest post submitted to the Radical Education Department and appearing November 30th, 2019 (]

Shortly after activists in Seattle shut down the third ministerial conference of the World Trade Organization in 1999, neoliberal New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman wrote, “these anti-W.T.O. protestors … are a Noah’s ark of Flat-earth advocates, protectionist trade unions, and yuppies looking for their 1960s fix.” These anti-WTO demonstrations were actually the largest expression up to that point of a particular trend of leftist protest that had persisted in many social movements since the late 1970s and would continue to do so until the early 2010s. In some time periods this tendency was the dominant practice among activists; in other times it was a dissident minority faction, usually to the left of other factions in the same movement. This trend was characterized by a combination of consensus decision-making with mass non-violent direct action, as well as feminist rhetoric, an impulse towards inclusive community-building, and claims that the movement was leaderless. Many participants in this tendency, but not all, embraced prefigurative politics and were anarchists or anarchist sympathizers. In her history of the origins of this trend Barbara Epstien calls it the non-violent direct action movement. This term is potentially misleading because the movement was not the first or the only movement to use non-violent direct action. Nonetheless, I have chosen to use her term anyway because I do not have a better one to replace it.

The non-violent direct action movement originated in the anti-nuclear power movement of the late 1970s / early 1980s. Inspired by the German anti-nuclear movement, activists organized occupations of construction sites for nuclear reactors, aiming to insure no new plants were built. The processes, organizational structure, and culture adopted by these activists differed sharply from the movements of the sixties and early seventies. The later were influenced by Marxism, the former by anarchism. Sixties movements usually had elected leaders, while the anti-nuclear movement used consensus (which was introduced to the movement by its Quaker participants). Radical political organizations of the sixties often had a single political line, while this new movement sought to be more inclusive and tolerant of internal dissent.

The anti-nuclear movement organized itself into a series of regional federations, each focused on a particular nuclear power plant. The first was the Clamshell Alliance, which attempted to stop the construction of a nuclear energy plant near Seabrook, New Hampshire through a series of non-violent occupations. It was the inspiration and model for a series of other regional federations throughout the country, all of which also attempt to use mass non-violent direct action to disrupt the construction of nuclear power plants.

Each federation was based on affinity groups and spokescouncils, not general assemblies or hierarchies. Participants were usually required to undergo training in non-violence and consensus decision making; many affinity groups were formed by people who met each other at a training session. Lone individuals were usually not permitted to participate in occupations (or spokescouncils) and were typically turned away if they showed up.

The movement met with mixed success. Some occupations were crushed through mass arrests. Others lasted for several weeks before disbanding, faced with the difficulty of occupying a location on a long-term basis. They delayed the construction of some nuclear reactors, but all of their targets were eventually built. Despite this, the legitimacy of nuclear power in the public eye was undermined. Those plants already under construction were completed, but the construction of new plants was not authorized until the Obama administration a quarter-century later.

The movement’s impact on radicals and other social movements was arguably greater than its impact on nuclear power. The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 caused a resurgence of a variety of different leftist and liberal social movements in response. The non-violent direct action movement persisted through the 1980s, now as part of the radical wing of these movements rather than as a separate movement focused on nuclear power. The movements of the 1980s mostly tended to be more liberal or, at most democratic socialist, rather than anarchist, and usually eschewed prefigurative politics. They largely rejected consensus and openly supported hierarchy, electing leaders to run their movements. Non-violence was widely embraced in the movements of the 1980s, but they often enacted it through permitted protests, lobbying, voting, and/or symbolic arrests coordinated with the police rather than the disruptive mass civil disobedience advocated by the non-violent direct action movement.

The movement’s impact on the (much smaller) anarchist movement was significantly greater. The majority of the anarchist movement embraced the ideas and practices of the non-violent direct action movement. Consensus became the default form of decision making for anarchists in the US. By the end of the century it had become so widespread in anarchist scenes that many mistakenly assumed that consensus was intrinsic to anarchism. In fact, anarchists have not used consensus for the majority of our history. The CNT-FAI in the Spanish Civil War was not consensus based, and neither was the anarchist-wing of the First International. It was not until the 1970s and 1980s that anarchists in the United States adopted consensus on a large-scale; in some countries anarchists did not adopt consensus and continued to use majority or super-majority vote.

The collapse of the Soviet Union and the election of Bill Clinton caused most liberal & leftist social movements to shrink (or collapse entirely) during the 1990s. When leftist dissent began to revive in the later part of Clinton’s second term the global justice movement was among the leading and more visible elements. Unlike the movements of the 1980s, the non-violent direct action movement was not part of the radical wing of the movement but was rather the dominant force. Although they were now trying to shut down summits of international financial institutions (or other world leaders) rather than nuclear power plants, the style and all the other elements of the movement were brought back. Like the anti-nuclear movement, the global justice movement utilized spokescouncils, consensus-based decision making, affinity groups, and mass disruptive direct action. It advocated non-violence while purporting to be leaderless. Anarchism again occupied a prominent role; many of the participants were were either anarchists or anarchist sympathizers. As in its other iterations, not all participants fully embraced every aspect of this political culture, but the majority of participants embraced most of its elements.

The main phase of the global justice movement only lasted two years; it was brought to a premature end by 9-11. Protests against the International Monetary Fund’s annual meeting in Washington, D.C., scheduled for September of 2001, were expected to be large and militant, but the I.M.F. canceled the summit in response to 9-11. Consequently the scheduled summit protests were called off and small anti-war protests were held in Washington, D.C. instead. Activists in the Workers World Party / International Action Center quickly founded International A.N.S.W.E.R. and began organizing anti-war demonstrations. The center of focus for much of the left shifted away from the global justice movement towards the anti-war movement. The later eventually grew much larger (once the Bush administration shifted its focus to Iraq) but it was much more timid and was less influenced by the non-violent direct action movement. There were multiple attempts to revive the global justice movement and shut down summits of global leaders in the decade after 9-11, but the police developed a new set of aggressive tactics (the “Miami model”) that proved effective at insuring summits would never be shut down again. In the long run police repression was probably more important in terminating the global justice movement than 9-11 (which might otherwise have only been a temporary pause).

Despite its brief lifespan, the global justice movement had a major impact on both the American left and the international financial institutions it was trying to disrupt. The FTAA and many other proposed free trade agreements were stopped in their tracks by the movement. The WTO’s “Doha round” of negotiations was delayed by two years due to the direct action in Seattle, and then ultimately died. After 2001 the IMF increasingly found that countries wanted nothing to do with it, refused to take out new loans, defaulted on current loans, and threatened to default on additional loans if more favorable weren’t reached. For a time it looked like the IMF might go bankrupt and cease to exist, but it found a new life after 2008 – this time in Europe. Much of this success was primarily due to movements outside the United States. The US global justice movement was a small part of a much larger movement against neoliberalism and its international financial institutions that was centered in the third-world and eventually started overthrowing governments for working with the IMF.

In some respects the period from 2001-2011 parallels the 1980s in that the non-violent direct action movement persisted as a dissident radical faction in the movements of the day, standing in opposition to more moderate trends with a different political style and culture. However, its influence in this period was significantly greater than it was in the 1980s. Consensus decision making, in particular, enjoyed its heyday during this time period, where it became the default form of decision-making for most local radical groups. One participant in the global justice movement, David Graeber, wrote in 2007:

"I joined NYC DAN [Direct Action Network] right around the time of A16. At the time DAN as a whole saw itself as a group with two major objectives. One was to help coordinate the North American wing of a vast global movement against neoliberalism, ... The other was to disseminate a (very much anarchist-inspired) model of direct democracy: decentralized, affinity-group structures, consensus process, to replace old-fashioned activist organizing styles with their steering committees and ideological squabbles. At the time we sometimes called it “contaminationism”, the idea that all people really needed was to be exposed to the experience of direct action and direct democracy, and they would want to start imitating it all by themselves. ... these were pretty ambitious goals, so we also assumed even if we did attain them, it would probably take at least a decade. As it turned out it took about a year and a half. ... While the anti-war coalitions still operate, as anti-war coalitions always do, as top-down popular front groups, almost every small-scale radical group that isn’t dominated by Marxist sectarians of some sort or another — and this includes anything from organizations of Syrian immigrants in Montreal or community gardens in Detroit — now operate on largely anarchist [consensus-based] principles. They might not know it. But contaminationism worked."

When the Occupy movement erupted in 2011, it inherited this model. Inspired by the Spanish Indignados movement and the Arab Spring, Occupy was the largest and arguably most successful iteration of the non-violent direct action movement. Like previous iterations, it used consensus decision making, espoused non-violence, purported to be leaderless, and engaged in mass civil disobedience. The initial core of the movement was mostly made up of anarchists and anarchist sympathizers, but it quickly gained a thick layer of liberal participants, some of whom became more sympathetic towards anarchism, or at least towards anti-capitalism, as a result of their experiences in Occupy.

Occupy differed from previous iterations of the NDA in several important respects. One is that Occupy’s targets were far more numerous and distributed: public squares and financial districts in nearly every city or town in the United States. Both the anti-nuclear movement and the global justice movement drew people from a variety of different locations to target a specific global or regional target, rather than encouraging participants to focus primarily on their own communities. As these movements were much smaller it would have been more difficult for activists to focus exclusively on their own communities; it is difficult to occupy a public location or shut down corporate/government meetings with only fifteen people. By massing people from multiple locations at a single target the anti-nuclear and global justice movements were able to compensate for their smaller size.

Another other major difference, in part, stemmed from the first: Occupy largely dispensed with affinity groups and spokescouncils, opting for general assemblies (essentially enormous meetings) instead. In the global justice movement and the anti-nuclear movement many of the participants traveled in small groups to their target and those small groups were easily turned into affinity groups. In such a context using spokescouncils to link these different groups together made sense. At the height of the global justice movement using general assemblies to make decisions would have been impossible because there were too many participants at the summit protest to fit everyone in the same space. You cannot have a general assembly with fifty-thousand participants.

As a result of of emphasizing general assemblies instead of spokescouncils and affinity groups, the consensus process ran into more problems during Occupy than it had during previous iterations of the NDA. Occupy encampments repeatedly ran into problems with individuals or small numbers of people blocking consensus, leading to gridlock and lengthy meetings. The issue of blocks preventing the group from doing anything or slowing decision making was not a new one, but previous movements largely developed better methods of coping with it. Critics of consensus often see the ability of a minority to veto decision-making as a reason to reject it, but proponents of consensus often regard it as a feature on the grounds that it protects the rights of the minority.

The very first NDA organization, the Clamshell Alliance, dealt with this problem very poorly. At a contentious meeting where they could not reach consensus on several controversial issues, a faction of the organization resorted to metaphorical arm twisting to compel participants to ‘stand aside’ and not block consensus, leading to a split. One participant, Murray Bookchin, wrote of his experience using consensus in Clamshell:

"within the Clamshell Alliance, consensus was fostered by often cynical Quakers and by members of a dubiously "anarchic" commune … This small, tightly knit faction, unified by its own hidden agendas, was able to manipulate many Clamshell members into subordinating their goodwill and idealistic commitments to those opportunistic agendas. The de facto leaders of the Clamshell overrode the rights and ideals of the innumerable individuals who entered it and undermined their morale and will.

In order for that clique to create full consensus on a decision, minority dissenters were often subtly urged or psychologically coerced to decline to vote on a troubling issue, inasmuch as their dissent would essentially amount to a one-person veto. This practice, called "standing aside" in American consensus processes, all too often involved intimidation of the dissenters, to the point that they completely withdrew from the decision-making process, rather than make an honorable and continuing expression of their dissent by voting, even as a minority, in accordance with their views."

Bookchin overgeneralized from his experience and rejected consensus entirely, contending that consensus always leads to the same results as it had in Clamshell. In contrast to the idea that consensus protects minority rights or gives the minority too much power, Bookchin believed that consensus was unfair to the minority and suppressed dissent (as it had in Clamshell). He wrote, “In majority decision-making, the defeated minority can resolve to overturn a decision on which they have been defeated - they are free to openly and persistently articulate reasoned and potentially persuasive disagreements. Consensus, for its part, honors no minorities, but mutes them in favor of the metaphysical ‘one’ of the ‘consensus’ group. … Any libertarian body of ideas that seeks to dissolve hierarchy, classes, domination and exploitation by allowing even [a] "minority of one" to block decision-making by the majority of a community, indeed, of regional and nationwide confederations, would essentially mutate into a ... nightmare world of intellectual and psychic conformity.”

The Abalone Alliance, founded to stop the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant near San Luis Obispo, CA, introduced key changes that avoided many of the problems Clamshell encountered. In 1981 they decided consensus at statewide meetings could only be blocked by an affinity group, not by an individual, and only if that affinity group reached internal consensus to block consensus. They also decided to distinguish between enthusiastic consensus, with all groups supporting the proposal, and lukewarm consensus, where up to one-third of groups stood aside but none of them blocked. This modification to consensus, along with differences in its internal culture, enabled Abalone to avoid the pitfalls Clamshell encountered. The Abalone alliance lasted longer than Clamshell, successfully shut down the Diablo Canyon plant, and spread its model across the country and into dissident wings of other movements. Its restrictions on blocking consensus were copied by all subsequent movements that used consensus on a large scale, with the partial exception of Occupy.

The global justice movement not only inherited Abalone’s restrictions on blocking consensus, it unintentionally introduced other changes that made it less likely for consensus to result in gridlock and endless meetings. At summit protests activists arrived in affinity groups from around the country, and sometimes from other countries, but, unlike in the anti-nuclear and Occupy movements, did not think of themselves as being members of one big organization. Spokescouncils were negotiations between numerous separate groups, and if consensus could not be reached those groups were free to do their own thing. Gridlock was avoided by splitting whenever irreconcilable differences prevented consensus; because activists did not think of themselves as one big group they could split and reunite at will, without animosity. In some cases affinity groups that wanted to do different things each formed their own separate set of spokescouncils. For example, affinity groups that participated in black blocs often formed their own spokescouncils away from the main spokescouncils used by everyone else; they could join the later when both sides felt it was appropriate.

Certain features of Occupy make the flaws of consensus more apparent in this movement than they had been in previous movements. During the 1980s and early 1990s, as well as the 2001-2011 period between the Global Justice movement & Occupy, activists who used consensus usually did so in small groups where they often shared similar praxis. If the odds of someone blocking are only one-percent, blocks in a small group may be uncommon enough that they do not pose a problem, but a group with over a hundred members will regularly encounter blocks, causing gridlock and endless meetings in a never-ending attempt to appease a small number of blockers. The anti-nuclear and global justice movements had methods of circumventing individual blocks in large movements, but they were connected to the structure of affinity groups and spokescouncils. Occupy’s decision making was primarily organized around large general assemblies. Consequently, a block could be done by a lone individual (or a tiny handful of individuals), not just by a unified affinity group. Furthermore, because they were all part of one big assembly, it was difficult to simply split into separate clusters of affinity groups that did different things when consensus could not be quickly reached. Occupy also had control of collective resources that were not available to previous movements, like public spaces and large donations, which were not easily amenable to simply having different affinity groups go their separate ways.

In the later part of Occupy some chapters experimented with alternatives but this proved too little, too late. Occupy Wall St. eventually set up a spokescouncil, but it was based on working groups and caucuses rather than true affinity groups. Some encampments experimented with allowing blocks to be over-ruled if they make up less than a certain percentage of members, de facto shifting to a form of super-majority voting.

The principle drawback of consensus is that it makes it difficult to make collective decisions and leads to long drawn-out meetings; this drawback can be mitigated through various modification but in doing so it essentially shifts the decision-making process away from consensus towards some other model. In the Clamshell Alliance they dealt with the issue by unofficially shifting to a more top-down process and compelling dissenters to stand aside. Most other modifications de facto shift towards majority or super-majority voting. Putting limits on blocks, like the Abalone Alliance did, amount to a form of super-majority vote because they require anyone wishing to block to be sufficiently numerous and well-organized to do so. Requiring blocks to exceed 20% of the membership to be valid is functionally equivalent to a majority-vote process where proposals require at least 80% support to pass. Quakers do not mind meetings taking a long time because they believe the process helps bring them closer to god’s will, but god does not exist and social movements need to make collective decisions in a reasonable amount of time to be effective.

Like consensus, Occupy inherited non-violent ideology from previous movements. It loudly proclaimed its adherence to non-violent principles, much as the anti-nuclear and global justice movements had done. Non-violent ideology reached its heyday in the 1980s and early 1990s, when most activists espoused some sort of rhetorical commitment to non-violence. Social movements of this era often policed themselves to ensure none of their members did anything violent by expelling potential troublemakers and using protest marshals to keep protesters in line. To maintain the illusion of militancy some negotiated staged arrests with the police. The authorities often preferred to negotiate with protest leaders, and have those leaders control their members under the guise of non-violence, than to directly crack down on protesters themselves.

Proponents of non-violence saw themselves as following in the footsteps of the Civil Rights Movement and the Indian independence movement. However, as Ward Churchill argued in Pacifism as Pathology, there is a major difference between the classical non-violence practiced by the CRM & IIM and the non-violence practiced by American social movements after 1965. The former took actions designed to provoke violence against themselves and then refused to retaliate or run away, simply allowing themselves to be assaulted. In contrast, the later adopted non-violence in the hopes that it would lessen the amount of repression they were subjected to (and thereby increase turnout for their actions). Consequently, post-1965 non-violence took on a more submissive tenor that tried to police activists to insure they did not do anything to provoke the authorities.

Today rhetoric about being non-violent is often associated with liberals or moderate leftists, but it was not perceived that way in its heyday. Radical supporters of non-violence thought that since violence is a central feature of contemporary society a complete rejection of all violence is actually more revolutionary than radicals who maintain the need for some level of violence. At its height non-violence was embraced not only by liberals and democratic socialists, but by anarchists and Marxists as well.

There were arguments over non-violence from the start. In the later part of the Clamshell Alliance some activists wanted to use wire-cutters to cut open a fence around a nuclear power plant. Other activists objected they should not do this because cutting through fences was violent and consequently would cause greater repression (and thus lower turnout for the second occupation). Those who wanted to cut open the fence accepted non-violence, but maintained that fence cutting did not count as violence. If everyone agrees that we should never do anything violent, what counts and does not count as violence becomes very important and a source of conflict.

These types of arguments intensified after anarchists in black bloc formation smashed store windows during the Seattle demonstrations against the WTO at the dawn of the Global Justice Movement. Despite the fact that property destruction at subsequent protests in the US almost never happened, there was intense infighting over the acceptability of property destruction. Many activists opposed property destruction on the grounds that it was violent, while others argued that property destruction is not violent or rejected non-violence altogether. The idea of a “diversity of tactics” was originally invent to overcome this infighting. Protesters agreed that different groups could use whichever tactic they wanted (legal protests, illegal but non-violent civil disobedience, and/or property destruction), would keep different actions separate in time and space, and not publicly denounce each other. Initially its most prominent use was at the anti-FTAA protests in Quebec city in spring 2001, but its most developed form was the St. Paul Principles written for the 2008 protests against the Republican National Convention in Minnesota. Newer anarchists sometimes mistakenly assume diversity of tactics is some sort of core anarchist principle extending back to Proudhon or Bakunin, but it was actually invented relatively recently to solve a problem in the Global Justice Movement.

Although most activists, both in the NDA and outside it, continued to espouse some form of non-violence during this time period and for the next ten years, property destruction, the ensuing debate over property destruction, and the acceptance of a diversity of tactics weakened the hold of non-violent ideology on activists. A significant minority outright rejected non-violence, while the majority both tolerated their existence and refused (or were unable) to force them to abide by it. This made it more difficult for the police to get protesters to police themselves; part of the reason the Global Justice Movement was initially successful was precisely because the police had grown accustomed to protesters controlling their own members and were caught off guard when this was no longer reliable. As a result the police started shifting towards other methods of controlling summit protests (mainly brute force).

Events during the Occupy movement made the function of non-violence as a form of internal movement policing abundantly clear, while the same ideology failed to deter police violence. During the Oakland general strike pacifists violently assaulted black bloc militants in order to prevent them from engaging in property destruction.

Note that this violent pacifist justified non-violence in seemingly radical terms (its the most effective way to change the system) yet his actual practice was the opposite of radical – defending a bank’s private property. This contradiction was typical of the non-violence that dominated activist circles from the 1970s through the early 2010s. The absurdity of pacifists being violent in the name of non-violence highlighted the fact that non-violence wasn’t actually non-violent and had the effect of encouraging social movements to obey authority and police themselves. In practice, pacifists put protecting private property ahead of the actual people they assaulted.

Pacifists violently assaulting other protesters in the name of non-violence was not new. During the Seattle anti-WTO protests some of them attacked black bloc militants who were engaging in property destruction. During Occupy, however, their violence against people was captured on video and there was already a large minority of activists who rejected non-violence before the movement even began. Consequently, their views spread and support for non-violence among radicals declined in the wake of the movement.

Subsequent events reinforced these lessons. One of the better known cases of violence during Occupy was the assault of University of California – Berkley student protesters by the police.

The authorities appealed to non-violence to defend this violent act. The Chancellor of the University along with two other senior administrators released a joint statement arguing that:

"some protesters chose to obstruct the police by linking arms and forming a human chain to prevent the police from gaining access to the tents. This is not non-violent civil disobedience. By contrast, some of the protesters chose to be arrested peacefully; they were told to leave their tents, informed that they would be arrested if they did not, and indicated their intention to be arrested. They did not resist arrest or try physically to obstruct the police officers’ efforts to remove the tent. These protesters were acting in the tradition of peaceful civil disobedience, and we honor them. ... to take down tents and prevent encampment, the police were forced to use their batons to enforce the policy … We call on the protesters to observe campus policy or, if they choose to defy the policy, to engage in truly non-violent civil disobedience and to accept the consequences of their decisions."

From the late 1970s through the early 2010s most of the activists who adopted non-violence did so, at least in part, in the hopes that it would reduce police violence against them. At this protest not only did it not do that, non-violence was actually used to justify police violence against activists. Furthermore, the insistence by the Chancellor that non-violence means activists must not do things he doesn’t like, such as linking arms (a classic non-violent tactic), and instead meekly submit to arrest made it clear that the authorities were using non-violence to justify telling activists what to do and not do, as a means of controlling protests.

In early 2012 Christopher Hedges published his notoriously incendiary article “The Cancer in Occupy,” which demonized the black bloc and insisted that every activist be required to abide by non-violence. His article sparked a number of critical articles in response. Arguably the best known was David Graeber’s rebuttal “Concerning the Violent Peace Police.” Graeber noted that, “there have been physical assaults by activists on other activists, and, to my knowledge, they have never been perpetrated by anyone in Black Bloc, but invariably by purported pacifists against those who dare to pull a hood over their heads or a bandana over their faces, or, simply, against anarchists who adopt tactics someone else thinks are going too far.” The general backlash against Hedge’s article consolidated the growing sense among radicals that non-violent ideology should be thrown overboard.

In the years since Occupy most radical activists have abandoned non-violent ideology and rhetoric, correctly recognizing it as a flawed praxis. Despite the rejection of non-violence, there has not been a resurgence of armed struggle. Most of the things activists do are still non-violent, but the participants do not see the need to publicly proclaim their adherence to non-violence and agree that there are circumstances where violence is justified. Even in the antifa movement, although there is lots of talk of punching Nazis, actual use of violence against the alt-right has only happened a handful of times. Most antifa activity consist of things that are non-violent, like surveillance of fascists, doxing them, organizing boycotts, etc. Although the move away from non-violence is mostly positive, it also opened the door for excessively violent online rhetoric, usually accompanied by gulag and guillotine memes. Some leftists forget that our goal is to make the world a better place, not drown it in blood.

In the years since Occupy ended the Non-violent Direct Action Movement has largely disappeared. Elements of it persist, there is still an anarchist movement for example, but no one really puts together those elements in the way the NDA did. Consensus is no longer the default decision making method for activists. Last year’s Occupy ICE movement, for example, largely used majority vote rather than consensus. The most popular type of decision making structures for activists have shifted from Leninist-style central committees in the 1970s, to elected representational leadership in the 1980s & early 1990s, to consensus from 1999-2011, and now to majority vote today. There are still activists who use consensus (usually anarchists) and activists who adhere to non-violence ideology (usually liberals and democratic socialists) but today it is uncommon to combine the two. Although the legacy of the Non-violent Direct Action Movement will continue to influence social movements for decades, it seems unlikely that it will ever be revived.

The Non-violent Direct Action Movement kept the left alive during a conservative period of American history, and pressed social movements to rely more on direct action and adopt a more egalitarian form. It ultimately turned much of the public against economic inequality, laying the groundwork for later campaigns including the Fight for $15 and Bernie Sanders’ presidential bids. It shows that activists ought to avoid being too closed minded towards minority viewpoints within their own ranks and instead adopt an attitude of “I disagree with what you’re saying but I support your right to say it.” Support for consensus and non-violence were the dominant views among activists for a long time, but the minority of activists who rejected them were eventually proven right. Similarly, views held by a minority of activists today may be proven right by events in the future; excessive intolerance towards minority viewpoints runs the risk of suppressing views that are actually right. The rise and fall of the NDA shows that social movements can change drastically over the course of several decades. What is common sense in one time period is controversial or unthinkable in other time periods. We should not be too confident in the righteousness of today’s activist trends – yesterday those trends were different and tomorrow they will be different yet again. The left changes as radically as the social change it seeks to bring about.

Embedded Video Description: Man tackles bank smasher at Occupy Oakland General Strike

Embedded Video Description: Assault of University of California – Berkley student protesters by the police

north america / mexico / workplace struggles / news report Tuesday September 17, 2019 05:59 byWorking Class Revolt!

On September 15, 2019, in South Burlington Vermont, former Green Mountain Anarchist Collective-NEFAC member David Van Deusen was elected President of the Vermont AFL-CIO. Former ISO member, and union nurse, Tristin Adie was elected as Executive Vice President. Van Deusen and Adie were part of the larger progressive United! slate which swept into leadership positions capturing 14 of the 15 seats on the Vermont State Labor Council’s Executive Board. This marks a sharp turn towards the left for Organized Labor in Vermont. Let’s see what comes next!

On September 15, 2019, in South Burlington Vermont, former Green Mountain Anarchist Collective-NEFAC member David Van Deusen was elected President of the Vermont AFL-CIO. Former ISO member, and union nurse, Tristin Adie was elected as Executive Vice President. Van Deusen and Adie were part of the larger progressive United! slate which swept into leadership positions capturing 14 of the 15 seats on the Vermont State Labor Council’s Executive Board. This marks a sharp turn towards the left for Organized Labor in Vermont. Let’s see what comes next!

From the United! ten point program: “WORKING CLASS DEMOCRACY: We have seen the Democratic & Republican Parties time and again fail to sufficiently represent the interests of Organized Labor and working people generally in Montpelier (and in Washington DC). Even when they have done right by us, it often is years after Vermonters demanded action. We have also witnessed the disproportionate influence wielded by corporate lobbyists in the Statehouse. In short, even though working people constitute the great majority of Vermonters, our voice is often drowned out by big moneyed interests. We therefore propose a change in our Vermont Constitution whereby the people shall be empowered to circumvent the politicians in the Statehouse through a Town Meeting based referendum system.”



For immediate Release: September 16, 2019
Contact: Danielle Bombardier, Vermont AFL-CIO, Secretary/Treasurer,

South Burlington, VT— This weekend, in its largest convention in two decades, the Vermont AFL-CIO elected a progressive reform leadership for its approximately 10,000 members statewide. The fourteen newly elected members of the slate aim to revitalize Vermont’s labor movement through organizing new unions, promoting activism among rank-and-file workers, and championing a Green New Deal to combat environmental crisis and economic inequality.

Said Liz Medina of UAW Local 2322 and new District Vice President for Washington/Orange Counties, “I am excited to be part of a rank-and-file slate that has a bold vision for the future of the labor movement.”

Asserting that they are not afraid of strikes, the newly elected members to the AFL-CIO state leadership pledge not to support political candidates in Montpelier who do not fight for union and social-justice interests.

We had the largest convention in 20 years,” said incoming President David Van Deusen of AFSCME Local 2413. “We will not be afraid to represent the true interests of labor and working Vermonters.

Close to 100 delegates from around the state came to represent their local unions—triple the number of delegates of many recent conventions. Joined by rank-and-file members, they made this the largest state AFL-CIO annual convention in recent memory.

In addition to support for a Green New Deal, resolutions passed at the convention include solidarity with UE members from Burlington’s City Market who seek a $15-an-hour livable wage.

Not only does our agenda emphasize social and environmental justice, but those who were just elected also represent diversity in terms of race, gender, age, and union affiliation,” said Sarah Alexander, member of UVM United Academics/AFT and newly elected District Vice President for Chittenden County.

Other elected officers include Vice President Tristin Adie of AFGE, Secretary/Treasurer Danielle Bombardier, Member-at-Large Tim LaBombard of IBEW, and Volunteer in Politics Omar Fernandez of APWU.

This leadership change brings vigor and dynamism, breathing new life into the Vermont labor movement,” said Steve May of UAW Local 1981.

Also elected to the post of district vice president were
• for Bennington County: Dan Cornell, AFSCME
• for Caledonia/Lamoille Counties: Rubin Serrano, AFSCME
• for Chittenden County: Helen Scott, AFT/UA and Marty Gil, IATSE
• for Franklin/Grand Isle Counties: Dwight Brown, AFSCME
• for Rutland/Addition Counties: Eric Steel, AFSCME
• for Windham County: Ron Schneiderman, UFCW
• for Windsor County: Ed Smith, OPEIU

Immediately after yesterday’s convention, the new leadership invited all interested VT AFL-CIO members to attend the first Executive Board meeting whose actions included

• Voting to make all Executive Board meetings open to all VT AFL-CIO members;
• Voting to set aside funds to develop an on-call organizer roster to assist affiliated Unions with new or internal organizing drives;
• Taking steps to form a committee to re-evaluate the state AFL-CIO’s relationship to political parties and its legislative strategies;
• Reaffirming commitment to the United! Ten Point Program for Union Power with an emphasis on democracy, solidarity, organizing, and social justice.

Dwight Brown, member of AFSCME 1343, credited this 10-point platform for the convention’s historic turn-out and interest. “We won, and now the work begins.”




We shall seek to amend VT AFL-CIO Constitution to allow ALL members an equal vote in electing Union officers. Seek to involve the rank & file in collective decision making.


We oppose fascism and discrimination in all its forms. We are strong when we are united as Union members and as one working class.


We believe that if you work 40 hours a week, you should not have to struggle to pay your bills and make ends meet. We will fight for an expansion of social programs that benefit all working class people, and we will fight to make sure these programs are paid for through progressive taxation (and not having new burdens placed on working people).


We will seek coordinate on social and political efforts with allied Unions outside the AFL-CIO and with community organizations when and where those Unions and organizations interests reflect our own. We recognize that we, as a people, are stronger together than apart.


We support investment in our public infrastructure that results in a healthy environment. We assert that all such projects involving public money must guarantee prevailing wages, good benefits, and that Union labor is utilized.


We will NOT support candidates that do not actively support us; we do not care what party they are affiliated with. We recognize that the politicians in Montpelier have not been representing our Union interests. We will therefore explore new, more effective ways to approach electoral politics.


We assert that working people, as the majority, should have a direct vote and say concerning the priorities and laws of the land. We therefore will fight to implement a Town Meeting based referendum system of government.


We know that by Unionizing new shops, we grow our Union power. We shall therefore dedicate real resources to organizing, and these resources shall support the organizing efforts of affiliated Unions.


We unequivocally assert that without our labor, Vermont cannot work. Therefore, one of the most powerful tools at our disposal is the withholding of our labor. When strikes occur, we shall provide support to striking workers. During contract negotiations of affiliated Unions, we shall also provide assistance by way of model contract language which, when implemented, helps build a stronger Labor Movement.


We stand with those Union members that stand with us. We further recognize moving a progressive working class program forward will take not only the participation of AFL-CIO Unions, but also that of the NEA, VSEA, UE, and other non-AFL-CIO Unions. We therefore invite like-minded members from within those Unions to adopt this 10 point program, to join us, and to seek to implement this program in every Union in Vermont. We further recognize that it is not enough to capture the leadership of Unions; to win, we will also require rank & file engagement and action. Thus we will work to increase the involvement of the rank & file at every level.


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