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international / imperialism / war / non-anarchist press Monday April 08, 2019 23:41 byKate Hudson

As we head for NATO’s 70th birthday, it’s time to assess the nuclear-armed military alliance that came into being to ensure western military superiority during the Cold War. Most strikingly, during its first 40 years of existence – namely the Cold War, NATO embarked on no wars or military campaigns. Yet in the 30 years since the Cold War and the removal of its political and military rival, the Soviet Union, NATO has massively expanded territorially, changed its mission statement from a defensive to an aggressive posture and embarked on a series of wars, of which their intervention in Afghanistan is getting on for two decades long.

These activities have turned the end of the Cold War from a unique opportunity for new diplomacy and peaceful development into a new era of global tension, encircling Russia and China thereby creating the conditions for a new Cold War, tearing up international legal norms, notably around national sovereignty, and introducing bogus notions of ‘humanitarian war’.

A second NATO anniversary worth noting fell last week, on 12th March: twenty years since the first former Warsaw Pact states joined NATO. On that day, Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic signed up, and just days later they found themselves at war with their neighbour Yugoslavia. The war was illegal and brought devastating human consequences to what remained of Yugoslavia – including the legacy of toxic Depleted Uranium. It was also the first use of Tony Blair’s baseless justification for wars of intervention.

NATO’s Unstoppable March
Forces.net, the armed forces news service is one of the few outlets to cover the anniversary of NATO’s expansion into eastern Europe, and makes some very valid points, noting that the first expansions in 1999 began a “seemingly unstoppable march of the alliance’s border toward Russia.” Tellingly, the report also observed that while Russian actions in Crimea have renewed NATO’s focus on Russia, some have questioned “whether NATO’s expansion has provoked Russia and risked a new Cold War.”

That is the crucial question and as NATO is now expanding into Latin America, the implications of these developments need to be understood too. These are just some of the issues that will be addressed by the movement when the NATO summit takes place in London in December, where Donald Trump is expected to be present and CND is preparing for major protests.

On March 24th, 1999 the illegal war on Yugoslavia began and twenty years on from the start of the illegal war on Yugoslavia, the international network “No to War – No to NATO” remembers this deliberate attack on a sovereign state. A Pandora’s box was opened, from which several illegal wars were to follow: on Afghanistan, Libya, Iraq and Syria, with a bloody trail of destruction, forced removal, sorrow, and death.

The war on Yugoslavia was the blueprint for the fuelling of ethnic and nationalist conflicts, and the militarization of societies up to the point of war. Those who are fleeing from war zones are still continually threatened by military actions, whether the perpetrator be EU/Frontex and/or NATO.

Stop NATO Wars and Interventions!
The supposed legitimation for these wars was a web of lies, employed to gain dominance, influence, resources, and hegemony.

During this time, NATO has developed global reach and became the international military alliance. This has been emphasized by the jointly taken decision of its members to achieve defence spending of at least 2% of GDP by 2024. This boost will reduce the influence of China and Russia and secure resources for capitalist hegemony.

Contradictions between NATO states cannot conceal this common objective and the permanent territorial expansion of NATO serves these purposes. Preparations for war, most recently against Venezuela, underline its aggressive attitude. Abandoning nuclear weapons has never been seriously considered as an option. Through the comprehensive modernization and intended deployment of new nuclear weapons by the U.S., following the dissolution of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty, the nuclear arms race will be fuelled to a level not seen in decades. Furthermore, NATO’s first strike strategy is a threat to the planet as a whole.

Since its foundation in 2009, the international network “No to War – No to NATO” has successfully managed, through various actions, to reduce support for NATO among the population in key states, and even to delegitimize NATO. Our objective remains the same – twenty years after the illegal attack on Yugoslavia, and 70 years after NATO’s founding: to overcome the dinosaur named NATO and to replace it with an international organization for collective security and disarmament.
internacional / movimento anarquista / feature Tuesday March 26, 2019 01:59 byELAOPA
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XIII Encontro Latino Americano de Organizações Populares e Autônomas

Nós das organizações reunidas nos dias 02 e 03 de março de 2019 no XIII Encontro Latino Americano de Organizações Populares e Autônomas, reafirmamos nosso compromisso com as lutas dos de baixo, com independência e solidariedade de classe, democracia de base e ação direta popular.

Frente a uma realidade cada vez mais dura para os e as oprimidas, de retirada de direitos, precarização de nossa vida, avanço conservador, criminalização e extermínio dos pobres, do povo negro e dos povos indígenas, do feminicídio e da lgbtttfobia, nos cabe o ENFRENTAMENTO e a RESISTÊNCIA.

[Castellano]

internacional / movimiento anarquista / comunicado de prensa Saturday March 23, 2019 22:14 byELAOPA

Nosotros y nosotras, de las organizaciones reunidas en los días 2 y 3 de marzo del 2019 en el XIII Encuentro Latino Americano de Organizaciones Populares Autónomas, reafirmamos nuestro compromiso con las luchas de las y los de abajo, con independencia y solidaridad de clase, democracia de base y acción directa popular. Frente una realidad cada vez más dura para los y las oprimidas, de saqueo de derechos, precariedad de nuestra vida, avance conservador, criminalización y exterminio de los pobres, de los negros e indígenas, del feminicídio y de la lgbtttfobia, nos toca el ENFRENTAMIENTO y la RESISTENCIA

[Português]

DECLARACIÓN DEL XIII ELAOPA

2 y 3 de marzo del 2019 – Viamão-RS-Brasil

Nosotros y nosotras, de las organizaciones reunidas en los días 2 y 3 de marzo del 2019 en el XIII Encuentro Latino Americano de Organizaciones Populares Autónomas, reafirmamos nuestro compromiso con las luchas de las y los de abajo, con independencia y solidaridad de clase, democracia de base y acción directa popular. Frente una realidad cada vez más dura para los y las oprimidas, de saqueo de derechos, precariedad de nuestra vida, avance conservador, criminalización y exterminio de los pobres, de los negros e indígenas, del feminicídio y de la lgbtttfobia, nos toca el ENFRENTAMIENTO y la RESISTENCIA.

La precarización es una realidad que afecta no solo el mundo del trabajo, sino las condiciones para una vida digna, nuestros barrios y territorios, nuestras escuelas publicas y universidades, también la salud de nuestra gente. Por eso, es importante fortalecer el trabajo de base en las escuelas, puestos de trabajo y comunidades, con foco en la cultura, educación y economía populares con iniciativas que rompan el corporativismo y construyan comunidad organizada. Con tantos desafíos puestos, buscamos el intercambio de experiencias y debates acerca de temas que cruzan la realidad de lucha y organización de la diversidad que son las clases oprimidas de nuestra América Latina.

Reafirmamos que el sistema opresor es patriarcal, colonialista, racista y capitalista. Hace 500 años fue la invasión europea y el proceso de diáspora africana. En los días actuales son los estados y empresas extractivistas las que amenazan nuestra gente y nuestro planeta. Los pueblos negros y indígenas, pueblos tradicionale, sufren gigantes violencias institucionalizadas y naturalizadas.

Ese sistema opresor es re-configurado y legitimado en la figura del Estado a través del feminicídio de mujeres negras e indígenas, exterminio de pueblos tradicionales, encarcelamiento masivo del pueblo negro, industria de la cárcel, la intensificación del agro-negocio, mineradoras, monocultura y toda forma depredadora de la naturaleza que empobrece nuestros territorios y obliga la migración de nuestras comunidades.

Nuestras tareas son fortalecer y organizar nuestras comunidades, fortalecer las luchas étnico-raciales, recuperar la cultura, espiritualidad y valores de solidaridad, unidad, respeto con nuestros ancestrales y la naturaleza, proponer espacios de encuentro y formación política constante, rompiendo con el pensamiento colonial/eurocentrista, crear redes de protección de defensa de los derechos humanos, denunciar la violencia policial y de la criminalización de la pobreza. Reconocemos el derecho de nuestros pueblos a la autodeterminación, tierra y a la vía libre para desarrollar el buen vivir. La lucha por emancipación humana es una lucha antirracista.

El avance del neo-liberalismo y del conservadurismo fortalece la heteronorma y los roles de género tradicionales e incita la realidad de la violencia del capitalismo, principalmente en contra el pueblo oprimido, LGBTTTQI+, negro y periférico. Esa violencia toma formas distintas conforme las distintas identidades de género y orientaciones sexuales disidentes. Esas personas también son sistemáticamente perjudicadas en el acceso al mundo del trabajo, vivienda y otros derechos. Frente a eso, mucho de los movimientos que organizan los grupos disidentes de género y sexualidad fue cooptado o anda buscando derechos individuales. La perspectiva individualista aliena la lucha de otras identidades en un punto de vista interseccional. Otro asunto es el desmantelamiento y la persecución del debate de género y sexualidad en las escuelas. Así se pone la necesidad de organizar la lucha acerca de una perspectiva de clase y que tome en cuenta la especificidad de las opresiones sufridas.

Por las mujeres hemos tomado las calles, las bases comunitarias, los puestos de laburo, las escuelas como espacios de resistencia. Los temas de derecho a los cuerpos y en contra las violencias permanecen. Sin embargo, debemos evidenciar la presencia masiva de mujeres en luchas en contra reforma previsional y otras luchas que tocan todxs lxs de abajo. Metodologías feministas y de educación popular, tal como la garantía de espacios seguros, el cuidado colectivo de lxs niñxs, la superación de prácticas machistas en las organizaciones, educación sexual integral, cooperativas de trabajo y lucha por vivienda son ejemplos de lo que se puede hacer y reivindicar entre organizaciones autónomas.

La burocratización de los movimientos sociales es uno de los grandes problemas en la construcción de un movimiento participativo desde la base. Eso ha generado una cultura no activa y participativa en los sindicatos, juntas y gremios estudiantiles, a parte de crear un profesionalismo militante, personas pagas para actuar como lideres de categoría y/o desean alcanzar cargos políticos dentro del Estado. Entendemos que para construir un movimiento realmente combativo y participativo desde la base es preciso superar a la burocracia, buscando ampliar el campo de actuación de los movimientos sociales, de manera que puedan tener luchas conjuntas y significativas para sus puestos de actuación. Es necesario también incentivar constantemente la participación y la formación militante para insertar los principios de democracia directa, acción directa, auto- gestión y federalismo.

Vivimos tiempos en que las relaciones humanas – también la confrontación política – son movilizadas por afectos. Pero los sentimientos que movilizan son cada vez más pautados por la ética neo-liberal y el capitalismo, y en ese sentido vemos ganar fuerza una fuerte ofensiva conservadora que toma gobiernos y penetra la sociedad de manera general. La crisis del 2008 tuvo un rol importante en ese proceso de ascensión de la extrema derecha. Impulsar esos sentimientos de xenofobia, sexismo, racismo, homofobia, criminalización de la pobreza, etc contribuye a enmascarar el enorme crimen financiero que benefició a los bancos en detrimento de gigantescos sacrificios sociales y económicos.

Frente a esas amenazas, el conjunto de luchadoras y luchadores de as organizaciones que construyen el ELAOPA, que nunca tuvimos ilusiones con gobiernos y con salidas conciliadoras dentro del sistema asesino, tenemos ante nosotros el desafío de endurecer nuestras luchas, intensificando el combate al conservadurismo, organizándonos en defensa de los luchadores y las luchadoras sociales y de los derechos humanos.

Tenemos el desafío de construir una ética para tiempos mejores, construir antídotos para las indiferencias, reforzar los lazos de solidaridad más allá de las fronteras, desde abajo crear repertorios para una lucha social combativa con autonomía e independencia.

Para nosotras y nosotros, los y las de abajo, ese escenario de ofensiva de los de arriba no es novedad. Así como no es nueva nuestra resistencia. Todo lo que tenemos fue tirado con mucha lucha, sangre y sudor. No nos iludimos y no conciliamos con gobiernos, antes bien, organizamos nuestra resistencia u nuestra rebeldía, construyendo un Pueblo Fuerte que no se atemoriza y no se acobarda. A luchar y crear Poder Popular!

NO A LA INTERVENCIÓN YANQUI EN LATINOAMÉRICA!
FUERA EE.UU. DE VENEZUELA! POR LA AUTODETERMINACIÓN DEL PUEBLO VENEZOLANO!
SE SIENTE, SE ESCUCHA, ARRIBA LAS Y LOS QUE LUCHAN!

international / imperialism / war / non-anarchist press Thursday March 21, 2019 17:02 byMark Weisbrot

Some of the governments supporting Trump's plan to starve Venezuela into submission are none too savory, themselves.

In the early 1970s, a handful of Sandinistas were in the mountains of Nicaragua fighting to overthrow the 40-year U.S.-backed, brutal dictatorship of the Somoza family. When a powerful volcanic eruption struck Nicaragua in 1971, Sandinista Omar Cabezas later recounted, they told the peasants whom they encountered that God was punishing them for not getting rid of Somoza.

After the Sandinistas triumphed in 1979, the U.S. waged a bloody war to take back the country with a terrorist paramilitary force called the contras, who regularly murdered civilians. President George H.W. Bush made it clear during the Sandinistas’ second election in 1990 that, although he was not God, he would continue to punish Nicaraguans with a trade embargo and war if they did not get rid of the Sandinistas. Weary of war, hyperinflation, and economic collapse, Nicaraguans voted for the opposition: The Sandinistas lost.

Today the Trump administration is repeating the collective punishment strategy in Venezuela with a crippling financial embargo since August 2017 and, since January, a trade embargo. The financial embargo has prevented any measures that the government might use to get rid of hyperinflation or bring about an economic recovery, while knocking out billions of dollars of oil production. The trade embargo is projected to cut off about 60 percent of the country’s remaining meager foreign exchange earnings, which are needed to buy medicine, food, medical supplies, and other goods essential to many Venezuelans’ survival.

Seeking to foment a military coup, a popular rebellion, or civil war, the Trump administration has made it clear that the punishment will continue until the current government is ousted. “Maduro must go,” said U.S. Vice President Mike Pence yet again in early March.

All of this is illegal under numerous treaties that the U.S. has signed, including the charter of the United Nations, the charter of the Organization of American States, and other international law and conventions. To legitimize this brutality, which has likely already killed thousands of Venezuelans by reducing access to life-saving goods and services, the Trump administration has presented the sanctions as a consensus of the “international community”—similar to what George W. Bush did when he put together a “coalition of the willing” of 48 countries to support his disastrous 2003 invasion of Iraq.

In this narrative, governments—mostly in the Americas and Europe—that have joined the U.S. in recognizing a parallel government in Venezuela are “democratic”; those who have not, or have declared against the attempt to overthrow the current government are “authoritarian,” with the examples of Russia, China, and Turkey most often listed in news reports.

Let’s look at some of the governments that have joined the Trump administration in this illegal regime change operation, and have joined the trade embargo by recognizing Juan Guaidó as “interim president.” The most important and solid ally of Trump in Latin America is Brazil’s far-right president Jair Bolsonaro, famous for telling a Brazilian congresswoman that he would not rape her because she “did not merit it,” for various racist and anti-gay remarks, and for glorifying political violence. Ironically, given that the Trump administration’s main justification for regime change in Venezuela is that Maduro’s election was illegitimate, Bolsonaro himself came to power in an election of questionable legitimacy. His leading opponent, former President Lula da Silva—at the time the most popular politician in the country—was jailed after a trial in which no material evidence of a crime was presented. The verdict rested on the coerced testimony of a witness who was convicted of corruption, and whose plea bargaining was suspended until he changed his story to match the prosecuting judge’s case. The prosecuting judge, Sérgio Moro, demonstrated strong animus against Lula on a number of occasions—including his release of illegally wiretapped conversations between Lula and then president Dilma Rousseff, his lawyer, and his wife and children. After these and other irregularities and illegalities secured Lula’s conviction, he was unconstitutionally imprisoned before the election. After the election that Judge Moro helped Bolsonaro win by these methods, he was appointed minister of justice.

Other Latin American governments in Trump’s Coalition of the Willing owe Washington some favors for helping them seize power. The government of Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernández is probably the most extreme example. His party came to power in 2009 with the overthrow of the democratically elected president Mel Zelaya in a military coup. The Obama administration, along with Republicans, helped legitimize the coup and the “elections” that followed. Hillary Clinton, then secretary of state, later described in her memoirs how she maneuvered to keep the democratically elected president from returning to office. In 2017, Hernández retained power by brazenly stealing an election—simply altering the vote totals. This was the inescapable conclusion of journalists and observers from across the political spectrum. Even one of the most fanatical leaders of Trump’s Coalition of the Willing, current OAS Secretary General Luis Almagro, rejected the results and called for new elections. Of course nothing happened because the Trump team accepted the results.

Colombia has perhaps the second-most bellicose leader in Trump’s coalition, after Bolsonaro. President Iván Duque is the protégé of former president, now kingmaker, Álvaro Uribe. U.S. diplomatic cables released last year showed widespread concerns among U.S. officials about Uribe’s ties to drug traffickers. In the 1990s, the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency found that Uribe was “dedicated to collaboration with the Medellin [drug] cartel at high government levels.” Uribe is also believed to have long had ties to death squads. He resigned from the Colombian Senate last year in the midst of an ongoing criminal investigation. Uribe has long backed the U.S. regime-change effort against Venezuela. In 2009, numerous South American governments objected to and blocked his plans to expand the U.S. military presence in Colombia.

President Mauricio Macri of Argentina, another influential hard-right coalition member, also owes favors to Washington. In June, this relationship helped him score the biggest IMF loan in history, $50 billion dollars—subsequently upped to $56.3 billion when the economy did much worse than the IMF had forecast under the agreement. The United States blocked loans to the government of his predecessor and rival from multilateral lending institutions such as the Inter-American Development Bank. Since Argentina was running into balance of payments problems toward the end of President Cristina Fernández’s term, this was significant. An even bigger blow to her government came from an apparently politically motivated New York judge, who took more than 90 percent of Argentina’s creditors hostage in 2012 by ruling that they could not be paid until certain U.S.-based vulture funds were paid first. All of these problems with the U.S. were quickly resolved soon after Macri took office in 2015.

The media sometimes singles out President Lenín Moreno of Ecuador to show that there is a “center-left” presence in this illegal and somewhat barbaric enterprise. Moreno was indeed elected in 2017 with the support of former president Rafael Correa’s leftist Alianza PAIS party. But he quickly took a sharp turn away from his mandate, forming an alliance with right-wing oligarchs and using extra-constitutional means to consolidate power. He is now trying to put the former president in jail on what look like trumped-up charges. Moreno has been rewarded by Washington with $10 billion in loans from multilateral institutions, including $4.2 billion just scored from the IMF last week. If $10 billion doesn’t sound like a lot, consider that the loan, expressed as a percentage of the Ecuador’s economy, would be equivalent to the U.S. receiving $1.9 trillion. No surprise that Lenín Moreno has joined the Trump Coalition.

The president of Paraguay also has cause to thank the United States godfather. His party, the Colorado Party, ruled the country for 61 consecutive years, the majority of it under the dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessner. In 2008, a leftist bishop named Fernando Lugo won the presidency against heavy odds. However, he was toppled in a parliamentary coup in 2012, which was opposed by almost all of South America; once again, Washington worked with the OAS to help legitimize the coup. So, there’s another South American president happy to join the U.S.-led push for a right-wing leader in Venezuela. Yet one more is President Sebastián Piñera of Chile, a Pinochet sympathizer who appointed two former allies of the U.S.-backed dictator to his cabinet last year.

This is how we do it—today, at least. A few years ago—when most of the region was governed by left-of-center governments, Trump wouldn’t have gotten a single government in the region to support an illegal regime change operation. Obama’s secretary of state John Kerry discovered this in 2013 when violent opposition demonstrators were in the streets in Venezuela, trying to overturn Maduro’s first election. There was absolutely no doubt about the election results, and almost every government in the world recognized them. Kerry soon found himself completely isolated; Washington gave in and accepted Maduro’s election.

Then there is Europe, which for a number of historical reasons has only occasionally pursued a foreign policy independent of the United States. This is especially true for Latin America, where the Monroe Doctrine, shamelessly invoked in public by National Security Advisor John Bolton a few days ago, is generally respected. That said, some arm twisting was necessary to flip Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez of Spain, who had rather insubordinately opposed the Trump sanctions against Venezuela even prior to the trade embargo and recognition of Guaidó in January. His foreign minister, Josep Borell, told the press that the administration had received “pressure” from Washington. Sánchez’s PSOE socialist-led government was also under intense pressure from the big Spanish media, which has been in full regime-change mode for some time; they face elections at the end of April. Spain was particularly important in securing European support for this venture, since other countries, including Germany, often take Spain’s view seriously on policy in Latin America.

Even if the Trump team had a global majority—which it doesn’t, with only 50 out of 195 countries worldwide backing Venezuelan regime change—their deadly economic sanctions, theft of assets, military threats, and other actions to topple Venezuela’s government would be no more legal or legitimate than George W. Bush’s invasion of Iraq, or the many U.S.-led regime change efforts that have taken place in this hemisphere. That’s unsurprising, given who’s at the wheel: perennial regime-change advocate John Bolton, for example, or special envoy Elliott Abrams, who supported what the UN later found to be genocide in Guatemala, as well as the US-sponsored atrocities in El Salvador and Nicaragua in the 1980s. The cast of characters supporting this regime-change effort, whether in Washington or among some of its closest allies, should underline what is already obvious: The United States’ attempt to oust Maduro has nothing to do with democracy or human rights.
international / anarchist movement / policy statement Wednesday March 20, 2019 19:12 byJornadas Anarquistas

In these challenging times, where there is great political confusion, where old practices which lead to the same port are renewed, as is the case with the variety of electioneering offers that ensure they are not going to deviate from the path of a “responsible and mature” politics: while global poverty, precariousness, unemployment and the desperate migration of millions of people increase; while despair grows and authoritarian and neoliberal proposals are gaining ground, where technical coups take place with a view to the most rancid bourgeoisie taking up the state's helm again. Nothing should escape its control and, within this framework, the imperialist policies of the USA and European Union place their chips and interests on the global game board. Thereby increasing, with variants in every region of the planet, the so-called surplus population, stripped of the essentials to live; while the population that suffers various levels of precariousness grows in size and severity. A world that is increasingly designed for less and less people, an increasingly small population that is fully “integrated” into the global capitalist system, where precariousness, segregation, segmentation and survival are constantly increasing. And at the other extreme, wealth is increasingly concentrated in the hands of fewer people.

Castellano

Anarchist Days 2019

PORTO ALEGRE

In these challenging times, where there is great political confusion, where old practices which lead to the same port are renewed, as is the case with the variety of electioneering offers that ensure they are not going to deviate from the path of a “responsible and mature” politics: while global poverty, precariousness, unemployment and the desperate migration of millions of people increase; while despair grows and authoritarian and neoliberal proposals are gaining ground, where technical coups take place with a view to the most rancid bourgeoisie taking up the state's helm again. Nothing should escape its control and, within this framework, the imperialist policies of the USA and European Union place their chips and interests on the global game board. Thereby increasing, with variants in every region of the planet, the so-called surplus population, stripped of the essentials to live; while the population that suffers various levels of precariousness grows in size and severity. A world that is increasingly designed for less and less people, an increasingly small population that is fully “integrated” into the global capitalist system, where precariousness, segregation, segmentation and survival are constantly increasing. And at the other extreme, wealth is increasingly concentrated in the hands of fewer people.

This situation, with variants, is more familiar to us. There will be no transformation of this situation through the channels that the system leaves available (elections, parliaments, governments and judicial system), since all these structures are established in order to perpetuate and deepen the "bourgeois" social order. It is for this reason that a way out for the people themselves is necessary and urgent. A way out regarding which we organised anarchists have a lot to say and contribute.

This is why the action of Politically Organized Anarchism (Especifismo) has a lot to say and contribute, on an effective strategy for struggle, but also to learn and be updated at this juncture. We are convinced that Anarchism must be operational, agile, that it must be in tune with the new social realities in order to combat the brutality that this ruthless system imposes on those at the bottom of society, the oppressed class. But for this, we reiterate, Anarchism must be organized politically. It is the Political Organization that enables militants to process necessary discussions and debates, to make pertinent contextual analyses, to define action and development plans, to refine tactics with precision, but also to determine a finalist strategy and the adequacy of that strategy for each period of action, for each conjuncture – what we call Strategy in the Strict Sense – and also to develop the necessary technical aspects inherent to the political organization. All this in constant interaction with the social environment; the Political Organization's reason for being is the social insertion of Anarchism, precisely to make it more effective and to influence and provide a pole of attraction to processes of popular outcome.

Therefore, it is not enough to be inserted, to do things in the social environment without planning. We live life in insertion, but it is necessary to complement it with the Political Organization, that small engine that pushes the popular movement. The Anarchist Political Organization, according to the especifista conception, is not a vanguard, but militant abnegation with the purpose of encouraging and guiding a process of revolutionary rupture with the widespread participation of the organized people. Deeply respecting the specificity of that level. We have called that process Popular Power, the process of building the people’s organisms of power with which bourgeois power structures will be replaced. Thus, social insertion and political organization go hand in hand and are articulated horizontally in a very different way to that proposed and developed by all the vanguards of the left until now; which have done nothing more than limit the development of popular organizations and instrumentalize them as "apparatuses" useful to their parties. For that reason Especifista Anarchism speaks about a Strong People and not about a "strong party" as all the currents of Marxism have proposed. We advocate a Strong People, a people that builds its own destiny and its instances and degrees of freedom according to its experience of struggles and development and advances in the process of rupture.

For a long time already in Latin America we have been making a constant effort and with all the modesty of our forces, in the direction of promoting Especifismo. A not insignificant journey has been made. Moreover, today Organized Anarchism has a presence and pole of attraction in countries where it had practically disappeared. It affects the popular level and in a strong way. We must continue this path, we must give it a "push", help to move it forward. We need Especifismo, that is to say Politically Organized Anarchism, to grow and strengthen in other countries and regions. To strengthen processes that have been cementing themselves, at a serene pace, calm but firm. Something similar can be said about the need to grow and strengthen in other regions of the planet.

We are speaking about Political Organization with an Organizational Charter, Declaration of Principles, regular functioning of its organisational instances and a practice of Federalism, development and monitoring of work plans for each social environment, plans for tasks specific to the Organization, propaganda and dissemination of ideas and of the general and concrete political proposal for every environment and circumstance.

But the Political Organization is also in charge of the formulation of theory, that is the tools of analysis to know the reality, interpret it and be able to act with greater accuracy and effectiveness in it. This task, of theoretical development, is understood by us as one of primary importance and of necessary constant exchange between Organizations.

The development of the Political Organization must take place within the framework of the development of insertion – and together with it – in the different work fronts. Often there are limited possibilities to develop insertion in all possible fronts of work or in those that we define as priorities because of class allegiances or the social weight of said sector in the ideological notions that it produces. But one must take these limitations into account and work in that direction, planning a project of insertion or for approaching certain sectors that allows us to grow our orientation in the most vast popular sectors.

These are the common tools – together with political practices – that allow us to demonstrate a common militant style and matrix, but also a common proposal and societal project. In the same way, a common criticism of the capitalist system of oppression. Presenting a common body at the international level strengthens our current and our approach; logically, with the particularities of each country or region, which enrich the global process.

But we want to insist on the need to enhance Especifismo and have a kind of international "relaunching" of our political current, or give it strength and consistency, anchoring organizations where we are not yet present, strengthening those that do exist and the bonds between us.

The times that lie ahead demand concerted action and permanent solidarity between organizations, with the necessary mutual aid that potentiates concrete projects of social insertion and fronts of action, but that also amplifies our voice and political proposal at a general level. It demands equally of us greater militant rigor and political training of all our militants. We also need to develop the necessary instruments and tools to face the circumstances that are coming.

Therefore, in this instance of Anarchist Days we have discussed and agreed on the following proposals:


1) Consolidating the construction processes of specific organizations.

2) Strengthening bonds of solidarity and political exchange between organizations on a daily basis, including organizations’ appropriation of the Anarkismo.net website, in order to spread our activities, positions and materials. This website should be a platform for launching our current and political and social project.
3) Joint work on the development of our theory and tools of analysis. There are already texts being circulated, but others can be proposed and topics to be investigated and worked on together (for example, Popular Power, Resistance, etc.) can be established.

4) Moving towards the coordination of organizations at the level of each region (Europe, South America) and establishing organizations responsible for monitoring and supporting other processes in other parts of the planet.
5) Defining general courses of action in the coming years and areas of work, as well as the necessary support from outside (for example: in the face of the advance of the extreme right in European countries, or the intensification of repression in Latin America).

Signed by:

Coordinación Anarquista Brasilera (CAB)
Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU)
Federación Anarquista de Rosario (Argentina) (FAR)
Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (Argentina) (OAC)
OSRL Anarquismo Organizado (Buenos Aires, Argentina)
Núcleo Pro-Federación (Chile)
Coordinación de Grupos Anarquistas (CGA-Francia)

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Neste 8 de Março, levantamos mais uma vez a nossa voz e os nossos punhos pela vida das mulheres!

Neste 8 de Março, levantamos mais uma vez a nossa voz e os nossos punhos pela vida das mulheres!

International

Fri 19 Apr, 03:51

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