user preferences

Upcoming Events

International

No upcoming events.
Διεθνή / Μετανάστευση / Ρατσισμός / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Friday July 10, 2020 20:05 byΑναρχικές οργανώσεις

Επειδή το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα δεν είναι απλώς ένα οικονομικό σύστημα ή κάτι που αποκόπτεται αποκλειστικά από τις οικονομικές του βάσεις, καταλαβαίνουμε ότι ο αγώνας ενάντια στον ρατσισμό και την κρατική βία που στηρίζει, είναι επίσης ένας αγώνας ενάντια στις δομές του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος, ένα σύστημα πείνας, θανάτου και βίας κατά των καταπιεσμένων του κόσμου, ανεξάρτητα από το χρώμα του δέρματος ή τη γλώσσα τους. Ακριβώς, ενάντια σε αυτό το κράτος -που δεν ήταν ποτέ «ουδέτερο» στην επέκταση του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος, αλλά κεντρικό και οργανωτικό στοιχείο του- καλούμαστε να προωθούμε και να στηρίζουμε πάντα την αυτο-οργάνωση και τον αγώνα του κάθε καταπιεσμένου!

Οι καταπιεσμένες τάξεις ξεσηκώνονται ενάντια στο ρατσισμό και τις διακρίσεις

Η δολοφονία του Τζορτζ Φλόιντ στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες από την αστυνομία πυροδότησε ένα κύμα λαϊκής οργής σε αυτήν τη χώρα και σε ολόκληρο τον κόσμο. Μαζικές διαδηλώσεις, άμεση δράση εναντίον της αστυνομίας, που, ως απάντηση στην καταστολή, ήταν και είναι συχνές αυτές τις τελευταίες εβδομάδες. Αυτή η δολοφονία, που προστίθεται σε χιλιάδες άλλες, αναβιώνει τις εκτεταμένες διαδηλώσεις του 2014 στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, μετά τις αρκετές, τότε, δολοφονίες των μαύρων, ειδικά των νέων.

Το γεγονός αυτό έφερε στο προσκήνιο τον βαθύ ρατσισμό που υφίσταται στις σημερινές κοινωνίες. Στην Ευρώπη, χιλιάδες μετανάστες απαιτούν τα δικαιώματά τους, το να έχουν ίση μεταχείριση με τους λευκούς πληθυσμούς, καθώς επίσης και το δικαίωμα να παρέχεται καταφύγιο σε χιλιάδες ανθρώπους που προσπαθούν καθημερινά να διασχίσουν τη Μεσόγειο ή να περάσουν από την Τουρκία στην Ευρώπη, μια προσπάθεια κατά την οποία είτε πολλοί από αυτούς πεθαίνουν είτε καταπιέζονται σκληρά ή στεγάζονται σε καταυλισμούς προσφύγων που μοιάζουν όλο και περισσότερο με φυλακές.

Αυτό το φαινόμενο τονίζει τον ιστορικό ρόλο του ρατσισμού στην οικοδόμηση της καπιταλιστικής κοινωνίας. Η επέκταση του καπιταλισμού -πολύ πριν από τη Βιομηχανική Επανάσταση- είχε ένα κεντρικό στοιχείο: τη λεηλασία ολόκληρων ηπείρων, τη γενοκτονία σε βάρος ολόκληρων πληθυσμών, την κατάσχεση εδαφών και πόρων και την καταστολή οργανώσεων από τα ευρωπαϊκά κράτη και τις αστικές τάξεις τους, προκειμένου να επιτευχθεί η συσσώρευση του κεφαλαίου, που επενδύθηκε αργότερα στην ανάπτυξη μηχανημάτων και βιομηχανίας τον 18ο αιώνα. Ήταν αυτή η αποικιακή στρατηγική της λεηλασίας πόρων σε ολόκληρη την Αμερική, συνοδευόμενη από το εμπόριο σκλάβων και την εμπορία ανθρώπων στην Αφρική και τη Νότια Αμερική, η οποία επέτρεψε την ενοποίηση του καπιταλισμού.

Στη συνέχεια, σε ένα άλλο στάδιο ανάπτυξης του συστήματος, ήδη κατά τον 19ο αιώνα, η ευρωπαϊκή ιμπεριαλιστική και/ή αποικιακή επέκταση στην Αφρική, την Ασία και την Ωκεανία αναπτύχθηκε, μέσω αμέτρητου αριθμού θανάτων, βιασμών και λεηλασιών, επαναλαμβάνοντας την κατάκτηση που επήλθε μερικούς αιώνες πριν στην Αμερική, και στον υπόλοιπο πλανήτη. Έτσι, ο καπιταλισμός επεκτάθηκε στον υπόλοιπο κόσμο και έγινε παγκόσμιο σύστημα. Η λεηλασία, η καταστροφή και η γενοκτονία είναι εγγενείς στον καπιταλισμό, είναι στο DNA του. Το ίδιο συμβαίνει και με τον ρατσισμό και/ή την πατριαρχία. Ο καπιταλισμός στηρίζεται στην εκμετάλλευση των σωμάτων, μετατρέποντάς τα σε εδάφη και στοιχεία που επιτρέπουν τη λειτουργία και την αναπαραγωγή του.


Ο ρατσισμός είναι δομικό στοιχείο του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος. Διότι για να λεηλατήσει τον υπόλοιπο πλανήτη -συμπεριλαμβανομένων των αναπτυγμένων χωρών- το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα και οι άρχουσες τάξεις πρέπει να καθορίσουν ποιος υπόκειται σε κυριαρχία και λεηλασίες. Οι Ευρωπαίοι κατακτητές και οι αποικιοκράτες κυρίαρχοι βρήκαν σύντομα τη νομιμοποίηση αυτής της απόφασης σε ψευδο-επιστημονικές «φυλετικές θεωρίες», οι οποίες ισχυρίστηκαν την ύπαρξη διαφορετικών «ανθρώπινων φυλών» και τους έθεσαν υπό ιεραρχίες, η κεφαλή των οποίων υποτίθεται ότι ήταν και είναι πάντα η «λευκή φυλή», δηλαδή, οι ίδιοι οι Ευρωπαίοι.


Έτσι, ο ρατσισμός έβαλε και συνεχίζει να βάζει μεγάλο μέρος του πληθυσμού του πλανήτη, ακόμη και ολόκληρες ηπείρους, σε δευτερεύουσες θέσεις. Γι’ αυτό βλέπουμε τη σχέση μεταξύ ανεπτυγμένων και υποανάπτυκτων χωρών. Το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα που βασίζεται στη διαίρεση μεταξύ των κοινωνικών τάξεων, έχει οργανώσει σε μεγάλο βαθμό αυτές τις τάξεις, επίσης με βάση τις φυλετικές διακρίσεις ή το χρώμα του δέρματος. Εκτός από τον ρατσισμό, υπάρχουν και άλλοι παράγοντες που παίζουν ρόλο, μερικοί από τους οποίους είναι αλληλένδετοι και αλληλοεξαρτώμενοι, όπως η κατασκευή του έθνους, που διαιρεί τους καταπιεσμένους άνδρες και γυναίκες και υποτιμά όλους εκείνους που δεν ανήκουν στο εθνικό σύνολο. Έτσι, το έθνος αποτελεί ένα από τα θεμέλια της ρατσιστικής και καπιταλιστικής ομαλότητας.

Στην Ευρώπη και την Αμερική, η πλειοψηφία των μαύρων και των μη λευκών ανθρώπων είναι φτωχοί και φέρουν όλη αυτή την κληρονομιά της αποικιακής ιστορίας που αναφέραμε. Οι μαύροι και οι μη λευκοί άνθρωποι έχουν πάντα τις χαμηλότερα αμειβόμενες θέσεις εργασίας, χωρίς κοινωνική ασφάλιση ή παροχές, κακή πρόσβαση σε υγεία και στέγαση και συνεχή παρενόχληση και αστυνομική βία, έτσι όπως καταδεικνύεται στις ΗΠΑ και την Ευρώπη, ενώ το βλέπουμε και στις φαβέλες της Βραζιλίας, όπου εξελίσσεται μια πραγματική διαδικασία οργανωμένης δολοφονίας των νέων μαύρων πληθυσμών.

Με άλλα λόγια, ο ρατσισμός δεν είναι παράγωγο της οικονομικής δομής της καπιταλιστικής κοινωνίας, δεν είναι δευτερεύον πρόβλημα. Αντίθετα, πρέπει να πούμε ότι το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα έχει οικοδομηθεί και με βάση τον ρατσισμό και τις φυλετικές διακρίσεις, ένα σύστημα που δεν είναι αποκλειστικά οικονομικό. Πρόκειται για ένα παγκόσμιο σύστημα, όπου οι ιδεολογικές-πολιτικές πτυχές παίζουν σημαντικό ρόλο, καθώς και οι νομικές πτυχές που χρησιμοποιεί το κεφάλαιο για την επέκτασή του, οι κατασταλτικές πτυχές, οι πτυχές της επικοινωνίας κ.λπ.

Με βάση τη ρατσιστική λογική, το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα κρατά τις ζώνες του πλανήτη καταδικασμένες στην πείνα και τις συνεχείς εισβολές και τους πολέμους. Αυτό είναι απαραίτητο ώστε να συνεχιστεί αυτό το γενοκτονικό σύστημα, καθώς είναι επίσης απαραίτητο, από καιρό σε καιρό, να «αλλάζει το πρόσωπό του» για να εμφανίζεται διαφορετικό και να επιτρέπει, για παράδειγμα, την αναρρίχηση στην κυβέρνηση των ΗΠΑ ενός μαύρου όπως ο Ομπάμα.

Και ήταν ακριβώς υπό τη διακυβέρνηση Ομπάμα που υπήρξε ένταση της αστυνομικής βίας εναντίον του μαύρου πληθυσμού, σε μια σαφή απόδειξη ότι ο ρατσισμός είναι δομικός για το σύστημα, φωλιασμένος στις κατασταλτικές του δυνάμεις και σε ρατσιστικές και ομάδες υπέρ της λευκής υπεροχής -αν και όχι μόνο σε αυτές σε επίπεδο κοινωνίας- και έχει μια ξεκάθαρη ταξική χαρακτηροδομή. Το φιλελεύθερο πρόσωπο του καπιταλισμού επέτρεψε σε μια μικρή μειονότητα του μαύρου πληθυσμού να αποκτήσει πρόσβαση στην εξουσία και τις άρχουσες τάξεις, αλλά μόνο με σκοπό να ανανεωθεί ως σύστημα και να γίνει ισχυρότερο. Ο «φιλελεύθερος καπιταλισμός» και το «δημοκρατικό κράτος» δεν έπαψαν να είναι ρατσιστικά επειδή τοποθέτησαν έναν μαύρο πρόεδρο ή επιχειρηματία σε κάποια προνομιακή θέση. Αλλά σίγουρα γίνεται πιο τεχνικής υφής προκειμένου να αυξηθεί ο βαθμός λεηλασίας και καταπίεσης των κοινωνικών πλειοψηφιών σε ολόκληρο τον πλανήτη.

Γι’ αυτόν τον λόγο, από την άποψη του Πολιτικά Οργανωμένου Αναρχισμού, μιλάμε για την ανάγκη οικοδόμησης ενός Μετώπου των Καταπιεσμένων Τάξεων, το οποίο συγκεντρώνει όλους τους τομείς που καταπιέζονται και κυριαρχούνται από το σύστημα. Κανονικά και επισφαλώς εργαζόμενους, αγρότες, αυτόχθονες πληθυσμούς, μετανάστες, άνεργους και εκτοπισμένους, δηλαδή όλους αυτούς τους τομείς που στην καθημερινή τους ζωή υφίστανται τις συνέπειες του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος και που έχουν μια θέση στον αγώνα, σε ένα τέτοιο Μέτωπο. Αυτό είναι το κοινωνικό ζήτημα που σήμερα εκδηλώνεται με εξεγέρσεις σε όλο τον κόσμο, ένα ζήτημα που πρέπει να προωθηθεί με μια προοπτική οργανωτικής ενίσχυσης των ανθρώπων με διαδικασίες ρήξης και, φυσικά, κοινωνικής επανάστασης, που προωθούμε και λαχταρούμε.

Επειδή το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα δεν είναι απλώς ένα οικονομικό σύστημα ή κάτι που αποκόπτεται αποκλειστικά από τις οικονομικές του βάσεις, καταλαβαίνουμε ότι ο αγώνας ενάντια στον ρατσισμό και την κρατική βία που στηρίζει, είναι επίσης ένας αγώνας ενάντια στις δομές του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος, ένα σύστημα πείνας, θανάτου και βίας κατά των καταπιεσμένων του κόσμου, ανεξάρτητα από το χρώμα του δέρματος ή τη γλώσσα τους. Ακριβώς, ενάντια σε αυτό το κράτος -που δεν ήταν ποτέ «ουδέτερο» στην επέκταση του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος, αλλά κεντρικό και οργανωτικό στοιχείο του- καλούμαστε να προωθούμε και να στηρίζουμε πάντα την αυτο-οργάνωση και τον αγώνα του κάθε καταπιεσμένου!

Δεδομένου ότι οι οικονομικές και πολιτικές δυνάμεις αντιμετωπίζουν ως «άλλους» αυτούς που δεν ορκίζονται πίστη σε αυτούς, αναλαμβάνουν το ρόλο του «εγγυητή» κάθε σύγκρουσης στην κοινωνική σφαίρα για τη δική τους επιβίωση, οι ρατσιστικές επιθέσεις και οι κοινωνικές διακρίσεις αυξάνονται. Ενώ ο καπιταλισμός και το κράτος εντείνουν την καταστολή και τη στρατιωτικοποίηση του κοινωνικού τομέα με νέες χημικές ουσίες, σφαίρες και ρατσιστικές κινητοποιήσεις, την αστυνομία και τον στρατό, τώρα είναι η ώρα να πολεμήσουμε εναντίον τους!

ΖΗΤΩ Ο ΑΓΩΝΑΣ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΑΠΙΕΣΜΕΝΩΝ ΤΑΞΕΩΝ ΕΝΑΝΤΙΑ ΣΤΟ ΡΑΤΣΙΣΜΟ ΚΑΙ ΚΑΘΕ ΜΟΡΦΗ ΚΑΤΑΠΙΕΣΗΣ!

ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΟΙΚΟΔΟΜΗΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΛΑΪΚΗΣ ΑΥΤΟ-ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΝΟΣ ΜΕΤΩΠΟΥ ΤΩΝ ΚΑΤΑΠΙΕΣΜΈΝΩΝ ΤΑΞΕΩΝ!


ΜΑΖΙ ΜΕ ΑΥΤΟΥΣ ΠΟΥ ΑΓΩΝΙΖΟΝΤΑΙ!

Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU - Ουρουγουάη)
Embat-Organització Llibertària (Καταλωνία)
Federación Anarquista Rosario (FAR - Αργεντινή)
Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF - Νότια Αφρική)
Anarchist Communist Group (ACG - Μεγάλη Βρετανία)
Anarchist Federation (Ελλάδα)
Bandilang Itim (Φιλιππίνες)
Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet (DAF - Τουρκία)
Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group (MACG - Αυστραλία)
Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement (AWSM - Νέα Ζηλανδία)
Coordenaçao Anarquista Brasileira (CAB - Βραζιλίαl)
Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran (AUAI - Ιράν-Αφγανιστάν)
Organización Anarquista de Córdoba (OAC - Αργεντινή)
Union Communiste Libertaire (UCL - Γαλλία)
Alternativa Libertaria /FDCA (Ιταλία)
Organisation Socialiste Libertaire (OSL - Ελβετία)
Workers Solidarity Movement (WSM - Ιρλανδία)
Die Plattform-Anarchakommunistische Organisation (Γερμανία)
Libertaere Aktion (Ελβετία)
Tekosina_Anarsist (Anarchist Struggle) (Rojava- Βορειοανατολική Συρία)

internacional / migración / racismo / policy statement Friday July 10, 2020 16:54 byVários organizaciones anarquistas

El asesinato de George Floyd en Estados Unidos a manos de la policía, ha desatado una ola de indignación popular en dicho país y a lo largo del mundo. Manifestaciones masivas, hechos de acción directa contra la policía y en respuesta a la represión han sido comunes en estas semanas. Este hecho, ha colocado en el tapete el profundo racismo que existe en las sociedades actuales.

LOS PUEBLOS SE LEVANTAN CONTRA EL RACISMO Y LA DISCRIMINACIÓN



El asesinato de George Floyd en Estados Unidos a manos de la policía, ha desatado una ola de indignación popular en dicho país y a lo largo del mundo. Manifestaciones masivas, hechos de acción directa contra la policía y en respuesta a la represión han sido comunes en estas semanas. Este asesinato, que se suma a otros tantos miles, revive las amplias protestas de 2014 en Estados Unidos, a raíz de los numerosos asesinatos de población negra, especialmente joven.

Este hecho, ha colocado en el tapete el profundo racismo que existe en las sociedades actuales. En Europa, miles de migrantes reclaman sus derechos y ser tratados/as en pie de igualdad con la población blanca, y también se exige el derecho de ser acogidas para los miles de personas que a diario intentan cruzar el Mediterráneo o desde Turquía hacia Europa, intento en el cual mueren muchas de ellas y son duramente reprimidas o alojadas en campos de refugiados, que crecientemente toman la forma de cárceles.

Este fenómeno evidencia el papel histórico del racismo en la construcción de la sociedad capitalista. El despliegue del capitalismo -mucho antes de la Revolución Industrial- contó con un elemento central: el saqueo de continentes enteros, el genocidio de poblaciones enteras, la apropiación de territorios, recursos y cuerpos por parte de los Estados europeos y su burguesía, para realizar la acumulación de capital luego invertida en el desarrollo de la maquinaria y la industria en el siglo XVIII. Fue esta estrategia colonial de saqueos de los recursos en toda América, acompañada por el esclavismo y el tráfico de seres humanos en América del Sur y en África lo que permitió consolidar el capitalismo.

Luego, en otra etapa de despliegue del sistema, ya en el siglo XIX, se desarrolla la expansión imperialista o colonial europea sobre África, Asia y Oceanía, con un saldo de muertos incontable, violaciones, saqueos, repitiendo la conquista realizada unos siglos antes en América, ahora en el resto del planeta. Se expande así el capitalismo al resto del mundo y se convierte en un sistema mundial. Es inherente al capitalismo el saqueo y la destrucción, el genocidio; está en su ADN. Pasa lo mismo con el racismo o el patriarcado, el capitalismo se construye en la explotación de los cuerpos, transformándolos en territorios y elementos que permiten su funcionamiento y reproducción.

El racismo es un elemento estructural del sistema capitalista. Porque para poder expoliar al resto del planeta - incluso dentro de los países desarrollados- el sistema y las clases dominantes necesitan establecer sobre quiénes se impone la dominación y el saqueo. Los conquistadores europeos y los amos coloniales encontraron la legitimación de esta decisión muy pronto en las seudo científicas "teorías de la raza", que reivindicaban la existencia de diferentes "razas humanas" y las ordenaban en jerarquías, a cuya cabeza supuestamente estaba siempre "la raza blanca", es decir, los propios europeos.

Así el racismo ubicaba y ubica en lugares subalternos a buena parte de la población, incluso continentes enteros. Como vemos en la relación entre países desarrollados y países subdesarrollados. El sistema capitalista basado en la división entre las clases sociales, ha organizado esas clases en buena medida, también a partir de la discriminación racial o por el color de piel. Aparte del racismo, hay otros factores que desempeñan un papel, algunos de los cuales están entrelazados y son mutuamente dependientes, como la construcción del Estado- nación, que divide a los oprimidos y oprimidas y devalúa a todos aquellos/as que no pertenecen al colectivo nacional. El Estado- nación constituye así uno de los fundamentos de la normalidad racista y capitalista.

En Europa y América, la mayoría de las personas no blancas son pobres y arrastran todo ese legado de la historia colonial que mencionábamos. Las personas no blancas siempre encuentran los empleos peor remunerados, sin seguridad social ni beneficios, acceso a la salud y a la vivienda deficientes y el constante acoso y violencia policial como se demuestra en EEUU, Europa pero también vemos en las favelas de Brasil con un verdadero proceso de matanza organizado de la población negra joven.

Es decir, el racismo no es una derivación de la estructura económica de la sociedad capitalista, no es un problema secundario. Al contrario, debemos decir que sobre el racismo y la discriminación racial se ha instalado el sistema capitalista, sistema que no es exclusivamente económico. Es un sistema global, donde juegan lo ideológico -político en forma relevante, los aspectos jurídicos de los que se sirve el capital para su expansión, los aspectos represivos, los comunicacionales, etc.

En base a un discurso racista, el sistema capitalista y los Estados mantienen zonas del planeta condenadas al hambre e invasiones y guerras constantes. Ello es necesario para que este sistema genocida se mantenga; como lo es también cada tanto "lavarse la cara" para mostrarse diferente y permitir por ejemplo, la llegada al gobierno de EEUU de un presidente negro como Obama. Fue justamente bajo el gobierno de Obama cuando se dio el recrudecimiento de la violencia policial contra la población negra, en una clara muestra de que el racismo es estructural al sistema, anida en sus fuerzas represivas y en los grupos racistas y supremacistas blancos -aunque no solo en ellos a nivel de la sociedad- y tiene un claro componente de clase. La cara liberal del capitalismo ha permitido que una pequeña minoría de la población negra acceda al poder y a las clases dominantes, pero solo a los efectos de renovarse y fortalecerse. "El capitalismo liberal" y "el Estado Democrático" no ha dejado de ser racista por colocar un presidente o un empresario negro en una posición de privilegio; seguramente se tecnifica para aumentar el grado de expoliación y opresión sobre las mayorías sociales a lo largo y ancho del planeta.

Por ello, desde el Anarquismo Políticamente Organizado hablamos de la necesidad de la construcción de un Frente de Clases Oprimidas, que nuclee a todos aquellos sectores oprimidos y dominados por el sistema. Trabajadores/as formales y precarios/as, campesinos/as, población indígena, migrantes, desempleados/as y desplazados/as, es decir, todos aquellos sectores que en su vida cotidiana sufren las consecuencias del sistema capitalista tienen un lugar de lucha en dicho Frente. Ese es el sujeto social que hoy se manifiesta en las revueltas en todo el mundo y es el sujeto que hay que construir con una perspectiva de fortalecimiento organizativo del pueblo para los procesos de ruptura, de revolución social que impulsamos y anhelamos.

Porque el sistema capitalista no es meramente un sistema económico o que se desprenda exclusivamente de sus bases económicas, entendemos que la lucha contra el racismo y la violencia estatal que lo sostiene es también una lucha contra las estructuras del sistema capitalista, sistema de hambre, muerte y violencia sobre las y los oprimidos del mundo, sea cual sea el color de su piel o idioma. Justamente, contra ese Estado que no ha sido "neutral" en el despliegue del sistema capitalista sino un elemento central y organizador del mismo, llamamos entonces a favorecer y apoyar siempre a la auto-organización y la lucha de todas y todos los oprimidos!!

Como los poderes político y económico tratan como a "otros/as" a quienes no le juran lealtad; así toman el rol de "garante" de cada conflicto en la esfera social para su propia sobrevivencia, los ataques racistas y discriminadores se incrementan en la sociedad. Mientras el capitalismo y el Estado están incrementando su represión y militarización en la esfera social con nuevos productos químicos, balas y movilizaciones civiles racistas, la policía y el ejército; ahora es tiempo de luchar contra ellos!!

VIVA LA LUCHA DE LOS PUEBLOS CONTRA EL RACISMO Y TODA FORMA DE OPRESIÓN!!
POR LA CONSTRUCCIÓN DE PODER POPULAR Y UN FRENTE DE CLASES OPRIMIDAS!!
ARRIBA LOS Y LAS QUE LUCHAN!!

☆ Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU)
☆ Embat-Organització Llibertària (Catalunya)
☆ Federación Anarquista Rosario – FAR (Argentina)
☆ Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front – ZACF (Sudáfrica)
☆ Anarchist Communist Group (Gran Bretaña)
☆ Federación Anarquista (Grecia)
☆ Bandilang Itim (Filipinas)
☆ Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet – DAF (Turquía)
☆ Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group – MACG (Australia)
☆ Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement – AWSM (Nueva Zelanda)
☆ Coordenaçao Anarquista Brasileira – CAB (Brasil)
☆ Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran – AUAI (Irán /Afganistán)
☆ Organización Anarquista de Córdoba – OAC (Argentina)
☆ Union Communiste Libertaire – UCL (Francia)
☆ Alternativa Libertaria /FDCA (Italia)
☆ Organisation Socialiste Libertaire – OSL (Suiza)
☆ Workers Solidarity Movement – WSM (Irlanda)
☆ Die Plattform-Anarchakommunistische Organisation (Alemania)
☆ Libertaere Aktion (Suiza)
☆ Tekosina_Anarsist (Lucha Anarquista) (Rojava- Noreste de Syria)


international / migration / racism / policy statement Friday July 10, 2020 15:49 byVarious anarchist organisations

The murder of George Floyd in the United States by the police has unleashed a wave of popular outrage in that country and throughout the world. Massive demonstrations, direct action against the police and in response to repression have been common these past weeks. This fact has brought to the fore the profound racism that exists in today's societies.

THE OPPRESSED CLASSES RISE UP AGAINST RACISM AND DISCRIMINATION

The murder of George Floyd in the United States by the police has unleashed a wave of popular outrage in that country and throughout the world. Massive demonstrations, direct action against the police and in response to repression have been common these past weeks. This murder, adding to thousands of others, revives the widespread protests of 2014 in the United States, following the many murders of black people, especially youth.

This fact has brought to the fore the profound racism that exists in today's societies. In Europe, thousands of immigrants are demanding their rights and to be treated on an equal footing with the white population, and the right to be given refuge is also being demanded for the thousands of people who try every day to cross the Mediterranean or get from Turkey to Europe, an attempt in which many of them die and are harshly repressed or housed in refugee camps, which increasingly look like jails.

This phenomenon highlights the historical role of racism in the construction of capitalist society. The expansion of capitalism — long before the Industrial Revolution — had a central element: the looting of entire continents, the genocide of entire populations, the appropriation of territories, resources and bodies by European states and their bourgeoisie, in order to achieve the accumulation of capital later invested in the development of machinery and industry in the 18th century. It was this colonial strategy of looting resources throughout the Americas, accompanied by the slave trade and human trafficking in Africa and South America, which allowed the consolidation of capitalism.

Then, in another stage of deployment of the system, already in the 19th century, the European imperialist or colonial expansion over Africa, Asia and Oceania developed, with a countless number of deaths, rapes and looting, repeating the conquest made a few centuries before in America, now in the rest of the planet. Thus capitalism expanded to the rest of the world and became a global system. Pillage, destruction and genocide are inherent to capitalism; it is in its DNA. The same happens with racism or patriarchy; capitalism is built on the exploitation of bodies, transforming them into territories and elements that enable its functioning and reproduction.

Racism is a structural element of the capitalist system. Because in order to plunder the rest of the planet — including within the developed countries — the capitalist system and the ruling classes need to establish who is subjected to domination and plunder. The European conquerors and colonial masters soon found the legitimation of this decision in pseudo-scientific “race theories”, which claimed the existence of different “human races” and ordered them into hierarchies, the head of which was supposedly always “the white race”, that is, the Europeans themselves.

Thus, racism placed, and continues to place, a large part of the planet’s population, even entire continents, in subordinate positions. This is why we see the relationship between developed countries and underdeveloped countries. The capitalist system based on the division between social classes, has to a great extent organized those classes, also on the basis of racial discrimination or skin color Apart from racism, there are other factors that play a role, some of which are intertwined and mutually dependent, such as the construct of the nation, which divides oppressed men and women and devalues all those who do not belong to the national collective. Thus, the nation constitutes one of the foundations of racist and capitalist normality.

In Europe and America, the majority of black and non-white people are poor and carry all that legacy of the colonial history we mentioned. Black and non-white people always have the lowest paid jobs, without social security or benefits, poor access to health and housing, and constant harassment and police violence as demonstrated in the US, Europe, but that we also see in the favelas of Brazil with a real process of organized killing of the young black population.

In other words, racism is not a derivation of the economic structure of capitalist society, it is not a secondary problem. On the contrary, we must say that the capitalist system has been installed on the basis of racism and racial discrimination, a system that is not exclusively economic. It is a global system, where the ideological-political aspects play a relevant role, as well as the legal aspects that capital uses for its expansion, the repressive aspects, the communication aspects, etc.

On the basis of a racist discourse, the capitalist system keeps zones of the planet condemned to hunger and constant invasions and wars. This is necessary for this genocidal system to continue; as it is also necessary, from time to time, to “change its face” to show itself differently and allow, for example, the arrival in the US government of a black president like Obama. It was precisely under the Obama administration that there was an upsurge in police violence against the black population, in a clear demonstration that racism is structural to the system, nested in its repressive forces and in racist and white supremacist groups — although not only in them at the societal level — and has a clear class component. The liberal face of capitalism has allowed for a small minority of the black population to gain access to power and to the ruling classes, but only for the purpose of renewing itself as a system and becoming stronger. "Liberal capitalism" and "the democratic State" has not ceased to be racist because it places a black president or businessman in a privileged position; it is surely becoming more technical in order to increase the degree of plunder and oppression of social majorities across the planet.

For this reason, from the point of view of Politically Organized Anarchism we speak of the need to build a Front of Oppressed Classes, which brings together all those sectors that are oppressed and dominated by the system. Formal and precarious workers, peasants, indigenous populations, migrants, unemployed and displaced people, that is, all those sectors that in their daily life suffer the consequences of the capitalist system have a place of struggle in such a Front. This is the social subject that today is manifested in revolts all over the world and is the subject that must be built with a perspective of organizational strengthening of the people for the processes of rupture, of social revolution that we promote and yearn for.

Because the capitalist system is not merely an economic system or one that is detached exclusively from its economic bases, we understand that the struggle against racism and the state violence that sustains it is also a struggle against the structures of the capitalist system, a system of hunger, death and violence against the oppressed of the world, whatever the color of their skin or language. Precisely, against that state which has not been “neutral” in the expansion of the capitalist system but a central and organizing element of it — we call then to always favor and support self-organization and the struggle of each and every one of oppressed!!

As the economic and political powers treat as “others” those who do not swear allegiance to them; thus, they assume the role of “guarantor” of each conflict in the social sphere for their own survival, racist and discrimination attacks in society increase. While capitalism and the state are increasing their repression and militarization in the social sphere with new chemicals, bullets and civilian racist mobilizations, the police and military; now is the time fight against them!

LONG LIVE THE STRUGGLE OF THE OPPRESSED CLASSES AGAINST RACISM AND ALL FORMS OF OPPRESSION!
FOR THE BUILDING OF PEOPLES’ SELF-ORGANISATION AND A FRONT OF OPPRESSED CLASSES!
UP WITH THOSE WHO FIGHT!

☆ Federación Anarquista Uruguaya – FAU (Uruguay)
☆ Embat-Organització Llibertària (Catalunya)
☆ Federación Anarquista Rosario – FAR (Argentina)
☆ Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front – ZACF (South Africa)
☆ Anarchist Communist Group (Great Britain)
☆ Anarchist Federation (Greece)
☆ Bandilang Itim (Philippines)
☆ Devrimci Anarşist Faaliyet – DAF (Turkey)
☆ Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group – MACG (Australia)
☆ Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement – AWSM (New Zealand)
☆ Coordenaçao Anarquista Brasileira – CAB (Brazil)
☆ Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran – AUAI (Iran /Afghanistan)
☆ Organización Anarquista de Córdoba – OAC (Argentina)
☆ Union Communiste Libertaire – UCL (France)
☆ Alternativa Libertaria /FDCA (Italy)
☆ Organisation Socialiste Libertaire – OSL (Switzerland)
☆ Workers Solidarity Movement – WSM (Ireland)
☆ Die Plattform-Anarchakommunistische Organisation (Germany)
☆ Libertaere Aktion (Switzerland)
☆ Tekosina_Anarsist (Anarchist Struggle) (Rojava-North East Syria)

international / gender / press release Tuesday June 30, 2020 03:04 byVarious anarchist organizations

زنان در سراسر جهان محکوم به خانه نشینی شده اند. ما زنان هم بحران جهانی اجتماعی و اقتصادی که با ظهور ویروس کرونا و تبدیل آن به یک بیماری همه گیر را تحمل می کنیم و به همچنین از خشونت های جنسی به ما رنج می بریم. این پدیده تازه ای در ساختار مردسالاری که در آن زندگی میکنیم نیست ولی باز با این حال، اشکال جدیدی زمینه واقعی زندگی ما اتخاذ شده است. ما خود را در موقعیتی یافته ایم که بیماری همه گیر کووید-۱۹ بیشتر و بیشتر ما را به “حوزه خانگی و خانه داری” کشانده و تابع به شخصیت مردانه جامعه کرده است

خشونت های جنسی با جهانی در زیر دستور خانه نشینی افزایش یافته است. با دوری از خانواده و دوستان، ما زنان قربانی تجاوز کنندگان که معمولا بدست شریکان زندگیمان صورت میگیرد در موقعیت جهنمی بدام افتاده ایم. اقدامات تحمیل شده چندین دولتها در سراسر جهان برای متوقف کردن خشونتهای خانگی بی اثر بوده است و نه تنها کاهش نیافته است بلکه رو به افزایش است! دستور خانه نشینی مانع فرار و ترک زنان قربانی خشونت خانگی از خانه هایشان و درخواست کمک از دیگران می شود چونکه آنها نمیتوانند در فضای مشترکی که با متجاوزان خود دارند با دیگران تماس برقرار کنند. افزایش زن کشی واقعیتی هم در آمریکای لاتین و هم در نقاط دیگر است. از طرف دیگر، آزار و اذیت زنان در خیابان ها هنوز ادامه دارد و خانه نشین نشده است! اگرچه خیابان ها خالی هستند، خانه نشینی اجباری تجاوزات و جنایات جنسی در اماکن عمومی را برعکس انتظار محدود و متوقف نکرده است. با یا بدون ماسک محافظ، خرید مواد غذایی، مراجعه به پزشک و یا رفتن به محل کار از اهداف ایده آل برای متجاوزان جنسی برای نزدیک شدن و آسیب و آزار به زنان شده است

کارهای خانگی بدون دستمزد که روزانه ما زنان انجام می دهیم با خانه نشینی اجباری نیز افزایش یافته است. علاوه بر اینکه باید مطمئن شویم که فرزندانمان به تغذیه خوبی دارند و مشق هایشان را انجام میدهند، ما را مجبور به کار در خانه می کند و باعث افزایش کارهای عاطفی که باید انجام دهیم می شود. در کشورهایی که اقدامات اجتماعی اتخاذ شده است تا مردم بتوانند در خانه های خود بمانند، این زنان هستند که با درآمد کمتر از مردان از خانه کار می کنند. به این نتیجه، با تقریبا تنها نان‌آور شدن مردان، تقسیم مسئولیت های خانگی کاملا ناپدید شده است

برخی از زنان بیشتر از سایرین در این بحران کنونی تحت تاثیر قرار گرفته اند. وضعیت کنونی که زنان پناهنده (کسانی که در مراکز پناهندگی و اقامتگاهشان به تنگی چپانده شده اند) و زنان رنگین پوست و زنان در محله های طبقه کارگری که بیشتر از دیگران در معرض ویروس قرار دارند، نگران کننده است. زنان با داشتن کارهای غیر رسمی نمی توانند درآمد پایداری داشته باشند. به همچنین، آنها نمی توانند درآمدی داشته باشند زمانی که که همه مسئولیت های خانه بر عهده آنان است. علاوه بر این، با نظامی سازی زندگی روزمره، هم ما و فرزندانمان را در معرض وحشیگری پلیس قرار داده است

مردسالاری و سرمایه محوری از زنان بدون حقوق و یا کم حقوق زیر پرچم وحدت ملی سواستفاده می کنند. ما زنان بویژه در این بحران در معرض خطر هستیم چونکه شغل هایی بسیار متزلزل نسبت به مردان داشته و در قشر‌ «کارهای ضروری» اقتصاد کار می کنیم. بر این اساس، بسیاری از ما کارگرانی هستیم که به عنوان کار در فروشگاه های مواد غذایی، پرستاری‌، و معلمی در خط مقدم با این بیماری همه گیر مستقیما روبرو هستیم. در این بخش اقتصاد که ما زنان از اکثریت کارگران هستیم، به طور معمول مشاغل با حقوق کم داریم. با این حال، زنان کارگر که در این بخش های جامعه و اقتصاد کار میکنند، از لحاظ تاریخی برای دستمزد بیشتر و در برابر متزلزل بودن مشاغل و اخراج از کار مبارزه کرده اند

به همچنین، این ما زنان هستیم که همبستگی و کمک های متقابل را از طریق سازمانهای مردمی عملی کرده ایم. نهادهای دولتی واکنش مناسبی برای این بحران نداشتند. بنابراین، سازمانهای مردمی که عمدتا از زنان تشکیل شده اند برای مقابله با این بحران راهکارهای متفاوتی ایجاد کرده اند. از این راهکارها می توان از ایجاد شبکه ملزومات، بازگشایی آشپزخانه سوپ و ساخت ماسک های محافظ و از جمله موارد دیگر نام برد

ما به دولت، به رئیس هایمان، به پلیس، به خشونت جنسی، به نژاد پرستان، به همجنسگرا هراسان می گوییم: ما تسلیم نخواهیم شد و همیشه برای هویدا کردن کلام و مبارزه خود در برابر همه انواع ظلم و ستم میجنگیم. ما با سرمایه داران در خط مقدم نیستیم. ما در خط مقدم برای تغییر جامعه هستیم

☆ Federación Anarquista Uruguaya – FAU
☆ Federación Anarquista de Rosario – FAR (Argentina)
☆ Grupo Libertario Vía Libre (Colombia)
☆ Union Communiste Libertaire (Francia)
☆ Organisation Socialiste Libertaire – OSL (Suiza)
☆ Libertaere Aktion (Suiza)
☆ Aotearoa Workers Solidarity Movement – AWSM (Aotearoa / Nueva Zelanda)
☆ Anarchist Unión of Afghanistan and Iran – AUAI
☆ Die Plattform – Anarchakommunistische Organisation (Alemania)
☆ Organización Anarquista de Córdoba – OAC (Argentina)
☆ Alternativa Libertaria – AL/fdca (Italia)
☆ Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group – MACG (Australia)
☆ Workers Solidarity Movement – WSM (Irlanda)
☆ Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira – CAB

international / the left / opinion / analysis Monday June 29, 2020 22:48 byShawn Hattingh

The ongoing capitalist crisis, and the impacts of COVID19, have made it clear that the capitalist and state system we live under is neither efficient nor just. Inequality has hit record levels and a small elite has more wealth than ever, while the very basics – such as a decent healthcare, water, housing, sanitation, food and electricity – cannot be effectively financed, run nor delivered. Politicians in every state abuse their power too and corruption is rife, only its severity varies. We see this even when there is a pandemic – some local politicians have even sold food parcels meant to alleviate people’s hunger during the COVID 19 lockdown. Parliamentary democracy is largely hollow with a majority of people having no real political power. The oppression of women and people of colour continues unabated and imperialism deepens everyday. Due to the ever-expanding nature of capitalism the ecology is on the verge of collapse. It is clear a movement for change and an alternative to capitalism and the state system is needed.

One alternative that is proving to be viable in large parts of the Kurdish majority areas of the Middle East is Democratic Confederalism. In South Africa there is much we can learn, adopt and adapt from Democratic Confederalism for local movement building.

Democratic Confederalism and Movement Building in South Africa

Introduction

The ongoing capitalist crisis, and the impacts of COVID19, have made it clear that the capitalist and state system we live under is neither efficient nor just. Inequality has hit record levels and a small elite has more wealth than ever, while the very basics – such as a decent healthcare, water, housing, sanitation, food and electricity – cannot be effectively financed, run nor delivered. Because of the profit motive of capitalism there was no real preparation for a health crisis such as COVID19 – it is not profitable for capital to prepare for long term threats - even though scientists warned as early as 2006 that the possibility of some form of viral pandemic was likely at some point due to the destruction by corporations of natural barriers, like rain forests. Politicians in every state abuse their power too and corruption is rife, only its severity varies. We see this even when there is a pandemic – some local politicians have even sold food parcels meant to alleviate people’s hunger during the COVID 19 lockdown.

Parliamentary democracy is largely hollow with a majority of people having no real political power. The oppression of women and people of colour continues unabated and imperialism deepens everyday. Due to the ever-expanding nature of capitalism the ecology is on the verge of collapse. It is clear a movement for change and an alternative to capitalism and the state system is needed.

One alternative that is proving to be viable in large parts of the Kurdish majority areas of the Middle East is Democratic Confederalism. In South Africa there is much we can learn, adopt and adapt from Democratic Confederalism for local movement building.

What is Democratic Confederalism?

Democratic Confederalism is a revolutionary ideology, practice and way of organising that has arisen in the Kurdish Freedom Movement in parts of Turkey, Syria, and Iran. Democratic Confederalism is a form of socialism that looks to eventually replace the state and capitalism with a radical democratic form of People’s Power. It involves people organising themselves into communes, councils and committees to democratically run every aspect of their lives – including education, safety, politics, healthcare, housing and food - and to create a communal economy based on co-operatives that are democratically controlled through street communes and confederated councils of mandated delegates.

This is not only a vision that activists aim for in the future after a revolution, but is a way of organising today. The aim is to expand People’s Power into a dual power, while diminishing the power of the state and capitalism, and to eventually replace these through a social revolutionary process with the communes and councils’ people have already created.

Democratic Confederalism argues that self-defence is a right of the communes, councils and assemblies if they are attacked by capital and/or the state. Democratic Confederalism, therefore, aims to build a dual power peacefully if not attacked by the state, but is not a pacifist movement in that Democratic Confederalism promotes self-defence against capital and the state. Democratic Confederalism is not just about the Kurdish liberation struggle – it aims ultimately for an international social revolution through building structures of radical democracy outside the control of states and capitalism, which can replace these systems one day

Pillars and principles of Democratic Confederalism

Democratic Confederalism has three main pillars that are underpinned by a number of principles.

The first pillar is women’s liberation. The Kurdish Freedom Movement feels that this is the most important pillar. The reason why is that they analysed that the oppression of women and the exploitation of women’s labour was the first hierarchy that arose over 5000 years ago when states and classes first arose in the Middle East – states are instruments of minority ruling class rule (historically the ruling class were only elite men). It was the oppression of women on which the later oppression and exploitation of impoverished men was built too. To free everyone, therefore, women have to achieve liberation

The second pillar is to build an ecological society. Democratic Confederalism views human beings as part of the ecology, not above it. Capitalism, however, views the ecology as something to exploit in the pursuit of ever-increasing profits. Indeed, capitalism is based on the principle of growth or death. If the human species is to survive, capitalism needs to be replaced by an ecological economy to meet peoples’ needs, without oppression and exploitation of humans and the destruction of the ecology. Hence, Democratic Confederalism’s commitment to social ecology

The third pillar is to extend a participatory democracy into all areas of life be they social, political and economic to overcome patriarchy and all hierarchies including class and race. The key principles and practices underlying these pillars are solidarity, mutual aid, respect, dignity, collective discipline, self-reflection, communalism and self and collective criticism

Why these principles and practices?

Democratic Confederalism as an ideology, political vision and way of organising developed out of a reflective process by activists within the Kurdish Freedom Movement.

Before the late 1990s, activists that were linked to the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) aimed to achieve national liberation through armed struggle and founding a workers’ state with the PKK as the vanguard.

In the late 1990s these activists began to critically analyse whether this was the best path by examining the history of national liberation struggles and past revolutions - including the Russian Revolution. Activists also studied the history of the Middle East and how patriarchy, class and states arose and why. Through this, they came to see that hierarchies and states could not bring about liberation. The activists also looked at other revolutionary traditions beyond Marxist-Leninism.

They drew on the social ecologist and libertarian socialist writings of Murray Bookchin (who was an activist in the USA who started as a trade unionist, moved away from Stalinism to libertarian socialism and developed the theory of social ecology). They also drew elements from activist-analysts like Immanuel Wallerstein (who was sociologist who was deeply impacted by the worldwide revolutionary upheavals of 1968 and who helped develop the world system theory that views capitalism as divided into a core and periphery. The core are high tech producing developed countries; while the periphery are countries that offer low wage production and are producers of primary goods. In this theory too, capitalism is seen commodifying every aspect of the social and natural world). As part of the reflection, activists in the Kurdish Freedom Movement also looked at some of the practices of movements like the Zapatistas (the Zapatistas are a non-hierarchical movement that also broke with Marxist-Leninism and are struggling for self-governance, autonomy and a cooperative economy against capitalism and the state in Mexico).

Through reflection, mass education and critical thinking the activists in the Kurdish Freedom Movement formulated Democratic Confederalism and moved away from trying to create a Kurdish socialist state. They rather chose to build a mass movement to win struggles for housing, water and sanitation today, but with the aim of also creating socialism without a state based on structures of direct democracy and an economy to meet the needs of all, called communalism, in the future

Democratic Confederalism, ideology and education

Ideology and political education are seen as vital within Democratic Confederalism. The reason being: if a movement does not have its own very clear ideology it will come to incorporate aspects of the dominate ideology linked to hierarchies, capitalism, racism, patriarchy and nation states.

Therefore, a clear ideology is vital for struggle and provides a practice, vision and aim. Through extensive analyses of the problems of capitalism, nation states, past revolutions and critical self-analysis, reflection, discussion and debate Democratic Confederalism became underpinned by a clear ideology. To ensure all activists and people can analyse and participate in the movement, based on the ideology of Democratic Confederalism, mass education is central. Education to assist build the consciousness, the abilities and confidence of activists is vital so that everyone can collectively and actively create new forms of organisation and implement the principles and aims of Democratic Confederalism, rather than rely on “big men” or so-called messiahs to bring liberation.

To undertake mass education, every street – which is a commune - where Democratic Confederalism is organised in Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq has an “academy”. Academies are spaces of learning and reflection – it can even be someone’s house – where political education is undertaken and where there are ongoing educational sessions on women’s oppression, limits of the nation state, critiques of capitalism, social ecology and importantly on Democratic Confederalism. Academies also have practical courses that benefit each street commune collectively such as healthcare.

States and capitalism aim to educate members of the working class to obey orders and be useful to produce profit for bosses and taxes for the state. Activists need to educate each other for liberation and this is at the heart of Democratic Confederalism.

Democratic Confederalism as a resistance movement and way of organising

Democratic Confederalism as a resistance movement to capitalism, patriarchy and the state involves organising at a street level where between 20 to 400 households form a “commune”. The commune meets regularly and is open to everyone regardless of gender, age, religion and race and is based on direct democracy. In the commune there are different committees through which people run the politics, law, economy, healthcare, women’s organising, youth organising, media, safety and political education at a street level. Communes are then federated together at a neighbourhood level, a city level, a provincial level, a national level and even an international level through mandated and recallable communal delegates to councils. This differs from representative democracy (seen today in political parties, many social movements, trade unions, parliaments and the state) where power is given to representatives to make decisions.

Rather in Democratic Confederalism communes have the power: delegates to structures such as city, provincial and national councils carry mandates. This means delegates are given instructions by the communes and under those mandates they co-ordinate and carry out administrative functions. If they go beyond their mandates, they can be recalled and replaced. Through these structures protests are undertaken and broad self-defence organised.

At an economic level, in places where Democratic Confederalism is a resistance movement, worker and women co-operatives are established to meet very basic needs on a street level, such as bread. They assist people to meet very basic needs even though capitalism remains in place – in other words they help communities alleviate the worst aspects that capitalism causes, such as hunger, whilst actively resisting the system.

Democratic Confederalism and the Rojava Revolution

One place where activists have fully replaced the state with Democratic Confederalism through a revolution is in Rojava in north eastern Syria. In Rojava people overthrew the Syrian state in 2012 through mass protests and taking over military bases and state buildings as part of the Arab Spring. There a new society without the state has been organised based on communes and there are different committees at street level to deal with healthcare, housing, women’s liberation etc.

The communes are confederated together through delegates to neighbourhood assemblies, city councils, provincial councils and an overarching coordinating structure called the Syrian Democratic Council. The delegates at each structure are always comprised of two people: a man and a woman. The delegates do not have decision making powers on their own – decisions are made by the communes and coordinated by delegates in the councils.

There are also women’s formations in the communes, assemblies and councils that are confederated under the banner of the women’s movement called Kongra Star. If a majority of women within any structure feel a decision is wrong, even if there is an overall majority of men and some women, the women can override the decision, which is aimed at addressing patriarchy. Each commune has its own structures of community self-defence – in which women of all ages play a key role - and a participatory court to ensure community safety. There is no police force as there would be in a state as through self-defence by all at a commune level safety is ensured.

In Rojava it is not just Kurdish people who are involved in the communes and councils, but also Arab, Assyrian and Turkish people. Democratic Confederalism has, therefore, started to overcome racism within northern Syria (the Kurdish people were racially oppressed in northern Syria but view Democratic Confederalism as central to everyone’s liberation).

In terms of the economy, state owned land in northern Syria (which was the dominant form of property) has been redistributed to agricultural co-operatives that have been established and linked to the communes. The only big industry in Rojava is oil and it has been socialised under the Syrian Democratic Council, and it is mandated to produce to meet the needs of all people in Rojava. As a way to overcome capitalism, many worker co-operatives have been formed to produce for need and not profit – these too are directly linked to communes. Some of these co-operatives are large: there is one housing co-operative for women that has 20 000 members and is organised through Kongra Star, but most are small or medium sized. Small and medium sized businesses still exist and even still outnumber the co-operatives, but they are accountable to communes to ensure they have role to play in meetings people’s needs. While they can make some profit, communes have the power to prevent profit gouging as businesses are answerable to the community in the commune if they do so.

Capitalism, therefore, has not been fully ended but the idea is to continuously weaken it and push it towards an end. So in Rojava the forms of organisations and structures that were built by activists as a resistance movement have, after a social revolution, become the structures through which people collectively and democratically govern society.

Lessons of Democratic Confederalism for South Africa

There are a number of lessons we can draw for South Africa from Democratic Confederalism and its ideology and form of organising. Perhaps the most important lesson is that it is possible to build organisations of People’s Power that are participatory and based on direct democracy – since 1994 there has been an ideological onslaught from the state, capital, political parties, and even some trade unions against this. We do have experience with such structures of People’s Power in the form of street committees, or what are called communes in Democratic Confederalism, that were so prevalent in the 1980s in South Africa. A lesson is we need to once again begin to organise extensively at a street level through mass meetings and street-based structures like assemblies/committees/communes if we are going to build a new movement to bring about liberation. In other words, we as activists have to intensify organising people on our streets and building structures, such as street level assemblies, that draw people into a movement based on the challenges and problems they face and want to themselves overcome – which are caused by patriarchy, racism and ultimately the state and capitalism. This means energy must be focused on building structures and organising at a street level as opposed to a situation where many activists currently spend time trying to build centralised organisations, and only once these exist attempt to recruit people

A further lesson is that building a new movement based once again on street committees/assemblies or communes, as Democratic Confederalism shows, has to be based on progressive principles and practices such as accountability, self-and-collective-discipline, direct democracy, self-organisation and communalism. Therefore, we as activists should not only be promoting such principles, but living them as far as possible in practice. It is only through building grassroots structures of People’s Power that we can transform society in a progressive direction through focusing first and foremost on struggles in our communities, on our streets and as will be discussed, also in workplaces.

Political parties and a big man who are often self-appointed leaders cannot address the inequalities, poverty and lack of real democracy for a majority of people as they are based on state logic and hierarchy – only building new forms of organisation and organising can help to bring liberation. Democratic Confederalism, along with our own experiences locally, gives us a model to use and adapt.

Democratic Confederalism shows that once street level structures – street assemblies/communes - and community movements have been built, they also have to be confederated and linked via recallable mandated delegates in structures like township wide councils, city level councils, provincial councils, a national council and perhaps even an international council.

The reason for this is because if we do not confederate structures like street assemblies/committees/communes, our organising and presence will remain isolated, the state could easily keep struggles localised too, and our struggles could become hostile to anyone outside our community (which in the end is self-defeating). If we are to achieve liberation and overcome state structures (which are oppressive) and capitalism (which is exploitative) we need a dual power based on confederated street level structures, like assemblies, that involve large numbers of people as active participants. What Democratic Confederalism shows, therefore, is we need a collective power, but one where people at the grassroots hold and exercise such power.

So people should not be representatives who are given power to make decisions if they are sent from the street assemblies to township wide councils for example. Rather they must be delegates who carry mandates from below and must be accountable to the people that have given them their mandate. It is only through delegates that are mandated and that co-ordinate the wishes of the street assemblies/committees/communes that a truly participatory dual power can be built. We should though not fool ourselves into thinking that the task of building this will be easy. It will be hard work and will take time. There is, however, a base (although small) in the form of existing social/community movements to begin to rebuild such as People’s Power in South Africa.

Democratic Confederalism shows mass political education has to be central to movement building based on reflection, critical analysis and developing a coherent and truly progressive ideology. Too often in South Africa activists adopt modes and ways of organising like parties and trade unions that have failed to achieve liberation, and/or look to imitate past revolutions that too have failed. So, the lesson is education has to develop critical thinking and to do that we have to honestly critique past revolutions and where they went wrong – including South Africa’s liberation struggle – and even our own practices and beliefs. It is only through education, reflection, discussions and debates that a clear ideology that guides struggles can be developed for the context of South Africa. Unfortunately, in some struggles in South Africa there has been a recent trend to stop debates, critical discussion and even freedom of speech – this is counter to liberation and needs to be reversed.

The task, therefore, is for activists to build spaces and programmes of education for each other, but more vitally for the people in the areas and streets where we live. Another important lesson is that there also needs to be spaces of reflection at every level, as without reflection mistakes are often repeated, strategy never effectively developed, and appropriate tactics deployed. Indeed, without political education there cannot be a mass movement that is participatory, that is clear about its objectives, and that has progressive principles, values and practices. Without political education, in short, there can be no liberation .

We can also draw lessons from Democratic Confederalism about the need for women’s liberation to be central. This does not mean that we forget about fighting other issues such as class and racism – all hierarchies, oppressions and exploitation must be actively fought through ideology and praxis. Far too often however, structures, formations, trade unions and political parties replicate patriarchy and are permanently headed by messiahs or big leaders that permanently hold power. This needs to change and to do so practices such as direct democracy and accountability are needed along with political education.

Indeed, a broader women’s movement is needed within People’s Power that can push for the centrality of women’s liberation - central to direct democracy are women. This should not be some form of token organisation, but an organisation that is central to all struggles and that participates in all structures. True freedom is not to be confused with the right of an individual to selfishly do as they please because no one is free until we are all free and patriarchy needs to be overcome – along with class and racism – for this to become a reality. In society everyone is damaged by hierarchies and oppressions – even oppressors are distorted as human beings by them – but it is only the oppressed that can truly liberate everyone and central to this are working class women.

One major difference between South Africa and Rojava is that the development of capital in in South Africa has been extensive. Workers within Democratic Confederalism in Rojava are organised through communes into economic committees. While in South Africa workers should be part of street assemblies/communes and organised through these structures, this in our context will not be enough. There is a strong capitalist class in South Africa – mostly a small part of the white population who owns the means of production, but also a smaller BEE elite.

This class is powerful, and in class terms are allies of the politicians that head the South African state. If we are to defeat capitalism and the oppressive state system - and capitalism’s accompanying racism - in South Africa there is a need for workers to also organise at their workplaces. Workers need to win demands that better their wages and working conditions, but also stop the erosion of their rights that they face today. These are the hard struggles that we need to fight.

But workers’ struggles cannot just stop at day to day fights. Rather through day to day struggles we need to consciously build towards a longer struggle that aims to socialise the means of production in the future under a People’s Power based on confederated assemblies/communes, councils, and forums. Without such an ideological vision we may win some gains, but we will fall back to either begrudgingly accepting private property or hoping for nationalisation – nationalisation means the state owns and controls workplaces and when this has happened in the past workers were still oppressed and exploited, but by states and their managers .

For workers, however, to organise today we need new forms of organisation in workplaces. Trade unions today have proven not to be the most effective organisations to organise workers anymore – indeed they have repeatedly failed to organise the majority of workers who are precarious, because it does not pay to do so. The majority of unions are also tied to parties and, at best, have the mistaken notion that if the party they back comes to head a state (whether capitalist or a “workers’” state), then that state will bring liberation – which historically has proven false.

Importantly, new forms of worker organising and organisation have started to emerge in South Africa and in these are the seeds too of liberation. These have mainly been formed by precarious workers who built structures such as worker committees and forums. In 2012/13 there were the farm and mineworker committees, and today there are worker forums amongst precarious workers in Gauteng and farm workers in the Eastern Cape. In reality, why worker forums and committees are so important is that they were and are effective – through these farm workers and miners won huge gains - and they also potentially carry the seeds of change within them. There, therefore, needs to be a focus amongst activists of building more new forms of worker organisations in the form of committees and forums based on principles and practices of direct democracy and accountability. It would be important too, once many worker committees and forums have been established, to begin to confederate them through delegate systems and structures, which could be industrial area wide councils and city-wide councils etc. This would be to ensure that individual struggles at a workplace cannot be isolated by capitalists and the state and to ensure the co-ordination of workers’ struggles across the country.

We also need to recognise that the building of worker forums and committees has, however, sometimes been a stop-start process. For example, the farm and mine worker committees collapsed partially because the state and capital attacked them. But they also collapsed because the workers involved failed to see how powerful these structures really were due to an ideology not existing amongst the majority of workers that held the vision that these new forms of organisation could be political alternatives to trade unions. Like the street assemblies/communes, therefore, workers’ forums and committees would need to focus on the day to day struggles on the workplace floor, but also need to be influenced by a vision or ideology that takes us beyond capitalism and prepares the structures we are building today to become structures to take over the economy in the future. The forums and committees, therefore, also need to be seen as structures that can in the long run fight for and take over the means of production for all through a process of socialisation. For this political education is once again central.

To ensure genuine socialisation during a revolutionary process and to also connect day to day struggles of communities and workers together before such a process, worker forums/committees would need to be directly connected to street assemblies/communes. A confederated structure that has mandated delegates from the street assemblies/communes and worker forums/committees is one way to do this. Another way is also to organise workers in the communes/street assemblies where they live – as workers are also community members. Through this, direct links can be created between street assemblies/communes and workers’ forums/committees and so become one movement.

For too long we have copied hierarchical ways of organising, like political parties and today’s trade unions, that have divided worker and community struggles. Expanding the organic forms of organisation – in terms of street assemblies/committees and worker forums/committees - that have emerged amongst the working class in South Africa past and present, and combining these with the practice of confederalism and a long term vision of a new society offers a way to move beyond the ideologies and forms of organising that have divided. Democratic Confederalism and Rojava shows such a way of organising through direct democracy and confederating various structures is not impossible – it has been done and it is possible.

As a famous revolutionary once said: We have a world to win.

This text was originally published by the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG).

This page has not been translated into 한국어 yet.

This page can be viewed in
English Italiano Català Ελληνικά Deutsch



George Floyd: one death too many in the “land of the free”

George Floyd: one death too many in the “land of the free”

International

Sat 11 Jul, 13:59

browse text browse image

107517637.jpg imageΟι καταπιεσμένες... Jul 10 20:05 by Αναρχικές οργανώσεις 0 comments

cc2dde7575964b3bb3a3bf5f146d168a.jpeg imageLos Pueblos Se Levantan Contra el Racismo y la Discriminación Jul 10 16:54 by Vários organizaciones anarquistas 0 comments

ca4a6b9a71cb49e3879e6041e6d863de.jpeg imageThe Oppressed Classes Rise Up Against Racism and Discrimination Jul 10 15:49 by Various anarchist organisations 0 comments

interfemen_3.jpeg imageزنان در خانه نش... Jun 30 03:04 by Various anarchist organizations 0 comments

screen_shot_20200629_at_16.21.png imageDemocratic Confederalism and Movement Building in South Africa Jun 29 22:48 by Shawn Hattingh 0 comments

textAgenda for the Global South After COVID-19 Jun 28 03:34 by Vijay Prashad 0 comments

interfemen_2.jpeg imageFrauen und der globale Lockdown Jun 27 18:42 by Verschiedene anarchistische Organisationen 0 comments

screen_shot_20200627_at_12.22.png imageAs mulheres e o isolamento social pelo mundo Jun 27 18:27 by Várias organizações anarquistas 0 comments

interfemen_1.jpeg imageDonne in isolamento in tutto il mondo Jun 24 00:48 by Various anarchist organizations 0 comments

interfemen.jpeg imageWomen under lockdown all around the world Jun 24 00:37 by Various anarchist organizations 0 comments

interfemfr.jpeg imageLes femmes et le confinement dans le monde Jun 24 00:28 by Various anarchist organizations 0 comments

interfemes.jpeg imageLas mujeres y el confinamiento en el mundo Jun 24 00:22 by Various anarchist organizations 0 comments

screenshot20200616at21.10.png imageRecent publications and new editions from Zabalaza Books Jun 20 00:29 by Zabalaza Books 0 comments

1_ocqjqykxoeqwp0d0jjb2a.jpg imageΗ θεωρία του Μαρξ &#... Jun 16 20:45 by Matthew Crossin 0 comments

protestsgeorgefloyd_2.jpg imageΔικαιοσύνη για τ_... Jun 08 14:18 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

textRacism a disease of antogonistic class relation Jun 07 22:52 by Jan Makandal 0 comments

protestsgeorgefloyd_1.jpg imageJustice for George Floyd Jun 07 21:48 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

popullism.jpg imageWhat is authoritarian populism and why should it be combated? Jun 02 19:13 by Shawn Hattingh 0 comments

whatsapp_image_20200528_at_21.08.jpeg imageA libertarian socialist view of the capitalist and health crisis in the Americas Jun 01 00:11 by Americas Coordinator 0 comments

whatsapp_image_20200528_at_21.07.jpeg imageUna mirada socialista y libertaria de la crisis capitalista y sanitaria en el continente a... May 30 23:26 by Coordinadora de las Américas 0 comments

audioPodcast (in Englisch): Massenbewegungen in Lateinamerika May 24 21:54 by Libertäre Aktion 0 comments

audioPodcast: Mass movements in Latin America May 24 21:07 by Libertäre Aktion 0 comments

drivingtothefuture.gif imageModes of politics at a distance from the state May 19 05:12 by Lucien van der Walt 0 comments

logo_icl.jpg imageΑς μη γυρίσουμε π ... May 18 21:24 by International Confederation of Labour 0 comments

81dixpz9el.jpg imageOur Morals and Theirs May 15 08:36 by Wayne Price 0 comments

alexanderberkman.jpg imageΗ ανάγκη της μετά ... May 14 20:09 by Alexander Berkman 0 comments

300_0___20_0_0_0_0_0_coyuntura.jpg imageContro La Pandemia Capitalista, Solidarietà Tra I Popoli May 07 02:21 by Alternativa Libertaria/FdCA 0 comments

2ea59af66bd24553bc753aa9f9175983.jpeg imagePandemie, Krise: Für die unterdrückte Klasse sind alle Zeiten Momente des Kampfes May 03 16:55 by verschiedene anarchistische Organisationen 0 comments

1demaiointernacional.jpeg imagePara as Classes Oprimidas do Mundo, Pandemia, Crise, Todos os Tempos São Tempos de Luta May 01 22:46 by Várias organizações anarquistas 0 comments

1f80a7e0306947bcaa847f3b60bfe9d8.jpeg imagePandémie, crise : les classes populaires sont toujours en lutte May 01 21:25 by Diverses organisations anarchistes 0 comments

more >>
© 2005-2020 Anarkismo.net. Unless otherwise stated by the author, all content is free for non-commercial reuse, reprint, and rebroadcast, on the net and elsewhere. Opinions are those of the contributors and are not necessarily endorsed by Anarkismo.net. [ Disclaimer | Privacy ]