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Based on a talk given in Kenya, this article argues that, while official minimum wages and other improvements are welcome gains, they are inadequate in an exploiting system based on the rule of the few. It is necessary to pose the more ambitious demand for a 'living wage,' set by the working class, and to enforce this by building powerful, autonomous, self-managed, conscientised class-struggle movements.Rejecting 'privilege' theories, it argues that all sectors of the working class benefit from demands and campaigns that secure equal rights, equal treatment and equal wages, against divide-and-rule systems, and in which strikers build alliances with communities and users. A 'living wage' movement of this type should be located in a larger project of building a popular counter-power that can resist, and then topple, ruling class power.
It is now 70 years since the end of the Second World War (1939—1945). It is often referred to as the “Good War” or even the “Last Good War.” The U.S. soldiers who fought it have been called the “Greatest Generation.” Since wars are best seen as evils unless proven otherwise, it is worth asking why World War II has such a good reputation, and whether it deserves it. After all, approximately 60 million people died around the world from that war.The aftereffects of the Second World War are still being felt. While very popular, it was an inter-imperialist war, a struggle for world domination. But it also included popular struggles against fascism, for national independence, democratic rights, and the possibility of socialist revolution. At their best, anarchists and other revolutionary socialists looked for ways to be part of this working class and people’s war.” Analyzing the war, and thinking through its issues, may help to prepare revolutionary anarchists for future upheavals.
internacional / história do anarquismo Monday June 01, 2015 18:49 by Felipe Corrêa e Rafael Viana da Silva
Nesse artigo, os autores realizam uma discussão da organização política anarquista. Partem das contribuições relativas ao tema de Mikhail Bakunin e Errico Malatesta mostrando que há similaridades entre elas e a da Plataforma Organizacional da União Geral dos Anarquistas. Conforme apontam, Bakunin constitui a base teórica da Plataforma e Malatesta possui posições que alguma vezes aproximam-se dela e outras da Síntese Anarquista.Consideram, assim, que nenhuma das posições em questão pode ser coerentemente inscrita no campo do marxismo/bolchevismo ou de um suposto “anarcobolchevismo”. Os autores analisam o debate entre Malatesta e Nestor Makhno sobre a Plataforma mostrando onde, realmente, estão as divergências entre ambos. Por meio de uma reflexão histórica do impacto da Plataforma, demonstram como as críticas estabelecidas nos anos 1920, em grande medida realizadas por leituras ideologizadas, somadas a duas experiências práticas dos anos 1950 e a hegemonia francesa na discussão do tema, vêm pautando erroneamente o debate.
En este Día Internacional de la Mujer, queremos recordar una de las primeras feministas, autora francesa y defensora de derechos de la mujer, Flora TristánFlora Célestine Thérèse Henriette Tristán y Moscoso Lesnais (1803-1844) fue una escritora francesa de ascendencia peruana. Poco conocida dentro de la historiografía oficial, probablemente olvidada de manera intencional debido a la rebeldía y ansias de libertad que emanaban de sus escritos. Entre sus obras destacan; Peregrinaciones de una paria (1839), Paseos en Londres (1840) y el folleto La unión obrera (1843).
Sin duda, Flora Tristán fue un eslabón fundamental en la lucha moderna contra la dominación patriarcal y el capitalismo. Por eso la recordamos. Su pensamiento fue clave para el nacimiento del movimiento feminista de tintes revolucionarios que emergió de manera organizada y con fuerza entre fines del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX.
For more than 20 years, Val di Susa residents, common people and militants have opposed the construction of a high-speed railway to connect Lyons with Turin. This useless major infrastructural project would be a catastrophe, wreaking destruction on Nature and ravaging the ecological system. Some of the tunnels are meant to be pierced through uranium and asbestos ore, which would spread the dust of these minerals throughout the valley's atmosphere. Collaterally, many expropriations are planned to enable the railway's construction, especially of agricultural lands.It has been demonstrated that these construction works will cost a fortune to local populations, while the existing rail lines could be improved and put to better use, especially to carry freight, which is currently delivered by road, causing massive pollution. Every metre of the TAV costs €158,000! These are public resources being diverted from socially-useful works and services to be consigned into the hands of mafias and profiteers!
Strong protest has never stopped since the project began, with thousands protesting, and the Val di Susa also being occupied, together with other acts of resistance and sabotage against the work sites imposed on the population. This movement brings together militants from the valley, people from all over Italy and even collectives from France, and has become a struggle of reference for the Italian social movement of the last 20 years. It has also been heavily repressed by the Italian State.
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