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greece / turkey / cyprus / gender / opinion / analysis Sunday November 07, 2021 19:06 byNikos Vrantsis

In the wake of the pandemic, the outbreak of domestic violence has led the government to set up and increase victim support lines operating inside police stations. What this practically means is just another hotline in the policy directory. But women’s emancipation in the Greek context cannot come via a posteriori calls to the police. It requires systemic responses that will empower women, the same being true for any vulnerable individual, so that their decision to quit the sphere of violence will not involve the risk of poverty and social exclusion.

A Big Part of the Human Whole is Still Treated as Property: Femicides in Greece

by Nikos Vrantsis

According to the European Institute for Gender Equality, femicide is recognized as ”the murder of women and girls because of their gender.” Gender based violence and murders are not new, but they remain undisclosed.

Greece is no exception to that. According to Greek Police data, 69 women were murdered in the years 2013-2018, due to domestic intrafamily violence (which accounts for 30-50% of all women victims of homicides per year). Nevertheless, the number of femicides is in fact much higher, since before law 4531 passed in 2018, current/former permanent partners or parties to a cohabitation agreement did not qualify as family. Overall, from 2012 to 2018, there were 22,183 reported cases of intrafamily violence against women.

It was November 2018, when the shocking rape and murder of 21-year-old student Eleni Topaloudi in the island of Rhodes by two uncannily unapologetic young males, turned into a watershed case and led to a public outcry that strongly contributed for the term femicide to be dynamically introduced for the first time in the Greek public discourse. Thenceforth, ”femicides” begun to be reported by the media as well as human rights organizations, without, however, significant steps being taken to prevent and support victims of gender-based violence.

People as property

It did not occur to me when I chose on the destination of my summer vacation, when I looked down out of the plane window, or when I landed and drove down the narrow streets replete with bare rocks, prickly pears trees, dormant wind turbines and structures made of concrete.

Only two days later, when I found myself in the traditional village of Olympus and encountered local women wearing their traditional costumes, did I remember a monograph written by an anthropologist, Bernard Vernier, about family relations on the small island of Karpathos.

It’s been many years since I read the book, and I vaguely remember the arguments of its author, but I still retain the connection Vernier draws between the small size of owned property and the emergence of a special norm of patrimony called ”κανακαριά”.

On this arid island marked by the in-existence of arable land, parents were favoring their firstborn children to the detriment of those born later. Their property was not divided, neither shared. The mother transferred her entire property to the eldest daughter, while the father transferred his property undivided to the firstborn son. Second-graders were demoted to unpaid labourers in the service of their siblings, who as undisputed heirs had complete control over the latters’ life and a duty not to let their propertyless brothers and sisters starve out of poverty.

Dressed in the traditional costume of Olympus, Mrs. Dimitra, who makes a living selling souvenirs to tourists arriving in this secluded village, has an answer at once apologetic and critical: “It was unfair… I can tell you some horrible stories… But Karpathos is a desert island, when we talk about property we are talking about ten olive trees; if they got this divided all children would starve to death ”.

The dry land of Karpathos, the small size of property gave birth to family conflicts, social inequalities and collective emotions, hence the title that Vernier chose to give to his volume: “The social creation of emotions”. The form of property was the determining factor that shaped a system of intra-family slavery. But today it is the echoes of this social system that shape the face of the island.

In front of the concrete buildings — some complete, others half-finished, others glaring bare skeletons of future hotel units — there are US flags hanging from the façades or poles immersed in the front yard. These are all signs of a return, or more precisely of revenge. The horrible stories of Mrs. Dimitra, were all related to abusive control and violence exercised by the parents and firstborns on the body and psyche of those considered second-graders. Nevertheless, there were among them those who did not reconcile with their socially constructed destiny and migrated abroad, escaping from this micro-relationship of absolute control manifesting itself as a dual mechanism of security/coercion. They migrated mainly to the land of promise, that is the US.

Now, they themselves or their descendants nurtured into the resentment of their parents’ stories, return and ostentatiously invest their dollars into concrete structures of mega-hotels, at the sight of which the “old” Karpassians burst into contemptuous comments.

Hidden homelessness of women

It’s been almost five years now, that the vacant façades of abandoned properties, in the narrow pedestrian street named “Solomou”, in the centre of the small remote town of Naoussa in the Greek North West turned into cafes, with the kind sponsorship of EU funds. “Everyone opens cafes and pubs. If nothing works out, I will open one of those as well”, says Katerina[1] indirectly pointing at her bad financial state. Nevertheless, she gives the impression that she belongs to this category of people who would consider joining this common group of micro-entrepreneurs, with socially degrading connotations.

Sitting opposite me, her carefully picked words show that she is focused on our discussion, though she does not make any eye contact, her gaze is glued on her four-year-old son who is playing ball on the sidewalk. Her quiet surveillance of the boy is interrupted by loud reminders to him to watch out for motorcycles, while she discloses her domestic strife to me.

Katerina was one of the few women who answered the anonymous questionnaire that our research team[2] distributed electronically in the small municipality of Naoussa with which we aimed at identifying the exposure of women to the housing crisis in this local setting. She was the only one who voluntarily provided her personal contacts in the survey in case they wanted to discuss their domestic issues in depth and at length.

Katerina’s story is indicative. After completing her successful undergraduate and postgraduate studies in economics in the city of Thessaloniki, she decided to return to the small town of Naoussa, in order to be close to her partner, while looking for work. Her efforts did not bear fruit. Today, at the age of thirty-five, she works for a local business, 10 hours a day for low pay. The financial contribution of her partner to cover the expenses of their family, triggered the emergence of domestic violence, primarily manifested in Katerina’s degradation as a wife and mother: ”During the pandemic this got worse. He drank, he insulted me, the place became even more toxic. I want to go”.

The nucleus of the familistic system is shaken

According to FEANTSA’s European Typology of Homelessness and Housing Exclusion (ETHOS), people living in precarious housing conditions or under threat of violence fall under the category of homeless. Living in seemingly safe homes but experiencing latent pressure and violence and constant insecurity render many women homeless.

Unfortunately, stories like Katerina’s are quite common; they remain unpublished , and underreported because from the most overt to the most sinister, oppression of women is far too normalised and even in some cases internalized by women themselves who have accepted their so called deserved ”inferiority”.

Trying to collect accounts of the housing conditions from people living in the poorest neighborhoods of Naoussa, when our research team encountered women they often hid, avoided talking to us, referred us to their husbands, and when the latter were absent we simply did not get any answer to questions such as: “How are the conditions in your home?”, “How do you warm up in winter?”, “What problems do you face?”. But even when they try to talk, in the absence of any administrative response, the feeling of exposure is amplified.

In the city of Naoussa, as in other localities throughout the country, the norm of “κανακαριά” may no longer be alive, but there are features in common with those described by Vernier. First and foremost, there still is a sub-category among the human whole that is by many considered “naturally” inferior, hence being dehumanised, and transformed into property: women.

However, according to the 2011 census, in this remote, shrinking town of the Greek North, which is an indicative case of trends observed throughout the rural side of the country, a major change is recorded. Single-member households increased by 45% compared to 2001, two-member households increased by 14%, while four-member households and all households with more members decreased significantly. This is largely due to (i) the fact that young people have left and chosen not to return, (ii) that young couples choose not to have children and (iii) that the number of women who broke up from their households has increased.

Just as the migration out from Karpathos was a way second-borns to get free from their social destiny, so the legal flight of women out of their households becomes a way to escape from symbolically and in cases physically painful relationships.

More and more often, women choose to leave the, often, suffocating shackles of their household. This is partly due to the fact that men, although they insist on considering their wives as their property, are unable to fulfil their own social roles as (financial) providers as easily as in the past, due to declining wages and rising unemployment. Reproduction of the performance of traditional gender roles is increasingly arduous. Nevertheless, what endures is when men perform their gendered duties like providing ‘protection’ what they ask in return is full control, full obedience, which often women refuse to give, preferring financial insecurity instead of psychological doom.

However, when women shred their violent relationships – psychological, physical or verbal – they often face insurmountable problems.

COVID-19, gender violence and femicide in Greece

During the pandemic, Greece recorded an outbreak of violence against women. The consequences of lockdown — financial insecurity, restriction, fear of disease and death, increased alcohol consumption and drug use — created the conditions in which abuse of women was enhanced. Many houses were turned into places of torture.

During the first lockdown, calls to the Support Line SOS 15900 run by the police for the support of victims of domestic violence increased by 230%. According to the data, the perpetrators are mainly current/former husbands by 56%, or current/former partners by 13%, while 12% of the victims complained that the perpetrator is a member of their nuclear family (brother, father or other relative).

Femicides, which eventually have started to be labeled and recorded as such, that is the successive murders of women, their shocking routine, show how entrenched and socially pervasive patriarchy is in Greek society, how “natural” murder seems to be as a solution of men who consider themselves to be entitled to exercise their “natural” property rights at the expense of women. There are thousands of men who feel they have every right to control, oppress, abuse and sometimes kill their wives, girlfriends, children, for reasons of ”non-compliance”.

What has created and sustains the patriarchal framing of gender relations in Greece has its traces in the societal set-up, diffused micro-property that favors unequal intra-family relations, and in the role of the state that governs mainly through management at the level of the household revolving around the male breadwinner; the main protagonist in moralising and normalising free labor and overt or concealed exploitation of women.

Conflicting directions

In the wake of the pandemic, the outbreak of domestic violence has led the government to set up and increase victim support lines operating inside police stations. What this practically means is just another hotline in the policy directory. But women’s emancipation in the Greek context cannot come via a posteriori calls to the police. It requires systemic responses that will empower women, the same being true for any vulnerable individual, so that their decision to quit the sphere of violence will not involve the risk of poverty and social exclusion.

However, the government fathoms it differently. A few days ago, the Greek prime minister announced that State provided houses would be offered to new couples. Apart from the distrust towards the proclamation coming from an overtly right wing government of a State that never designed or ever supported any centrally provided ready-made housing to its citizens (in opposition to other European countries after the end of WWII), the emphasis on ”the couple” with its potentiality to reproduce more nucleus households is indicative of the ethos of social support.

The administration’s response to the housing insecurity of large sections of the population, including many women, focuses on subsidizing a family-centered model, offering conditional housing, in many cases reproducing conditions of toxicity with housing assistance as a payoff.

The struggle of women for emancipation cannot be separated from any persons’ struggle against the systemic and structural binds generating precarity, every person who precisely because of this insecurity is forced to make a series of compromises that ultimately deprive him/her of his/her personality. And like any other emancipation, it requires a social upheaval that will lead to housing and employment support of women as independent individuals and not as “household members”.

Access to decent housing is a fundamental human right and a condition for a secure life. For such a right to be granted in a state that has always governed through the “holy Greek family”, we need a universal, but at the same time personal demand: housing support to each individual going through a housing crisis without the pre-condition of forming state-blessed heterosexual relations.

According to estimates and recent reports, Greek metropolitan centres as well as towns in rural settings are shrinking because of out-migration, hence up to one third of the total housing stock remains vacant and unused, despite it — or parts of it — being of good quality. These empty, good quality housing resources that exist in Greek cities could be the basis of a universal and socially just housing policy without preconditions perpetuating patriarchal structures to the detriment of women’s lives and integrity.

References:

[1] Names have been changed for anonymity purposes
[2] A team of independent researchers on housing deprivation in rural setting in Greece, called H.A.R.T.A (Housing Affordability in Real Terms Act).

October 29, 2021

https://trise.org/2021/10/29/a-big-part-of-the-human-whole-is-still-treated-as-property-femicides-in-greece/?fbclid=IwAR2nFVmGXqmTll22WcfaxZxJQFn4Km9...x5GDk

international / gender / appeal / petition Thursday October 28, 2021 01:32 byAdam

Call for Papers

Burning the Ballot: Feminism Meets Anarchy

A Special Issue of Coils of the Serpent: Journal for the Study of Contemporary Power

Call for Papers

Burning the Ballot: Feminism Meets Anarchy

A Special Issue of Coils of the Serpent: Journal for the Study of Contemporary Power

Guest Editors: Tammy Kovich & Adam Lewis (Canada)

Anarchism’s engagement with the question of gender is at once ambiguous and contradictory. Historically, the anarchist response to the “woman/sex question” was mixed. During the period of ‘classical anarchism’ (1840-1939), women took on active roles in anarchist movements – they were active in anarchist organizations, publications, and projects across the globe. They took part in uprisings, rebellions, and revolutions, as well as in the work of day-to-day anarchist organizing, propaganda, and more. While many (though not all) rejected the label of feminist, they nonetheless spoke out against sexual subordination and called for the emancipation of women with the overthrow of all forms of social, political, and economic hierarchy. At the same time, many others were at best ambivalent to the idea of sexual equality and at worst outright hostile to it. Frequently credited as the founding father of anarchism, Pierre Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865) was an outright misogynist who spoke out against the idea that women could (or should) ever be anything other than wives and mothers, and claimed that the only option available to women outside of the family was prostitution. Sonn in his study of the early anarchist movement in France describes the pervasiveness of an “anarchist antifeminism” (2005: 32). Similarly, Gemie in his historical survey of anarchist political culture across North America and Europe notes the prevalence of “anarcho-sexism” (1996: 417). During the period of ‘new anarchism’ (1940-1990), emphasis on the politics of everyday life grew and an explicitly feminist strand of anarchism emerged. Under the banner of anarcha-feminism, efforts were made to integrate radical feminist and gay liberation ideas into anarchist movements. Most recently, the period of ‘contemporary/post-anarchism’ (1990-present) has been marked by an emphasis on incorporating queer struggles and developing a distinctly queer anarchism. Against this backdrop, anarchism’s relationship to feminism has remained strained.

From the so-called first-wave of feminism until our present moment, anarchists have been considered both ally and adversary. In the early days of the women’s movement, some anarchists were active participants and a few even claimed the feminist label. Chinese anarchist He-Yin Zhen (1884-1920) exerted considerable influence and wrote extensively on women’s liberation. She spoke out against prominent male intellectuals, critiqued the nationalism of a burgeoning Chinese feminism, and discussed feminist struggle as “the beginning and outcome of a total social revolution that would abolish the state and private property to bring about true social equality and the end to all social hierarchies” (Liu et al. 2013: 7). In Puerto Rico, Luisa Capetillo (1879-1922) was a pivotal figure in both anarchist and feminist movements respectively. She organized women workers, published pamphlets and books on gender equality, and infamously made waves when she dawned a pair of trousers to stroll the streets of Havana, becoming “the first Puerto Rican woman to wear pants in public” (Romeu Toro 2013: 178). In America, Voltarine de Cleyre (1866-1912) developed an anarchism that was inextricably connected to an analysis of sexual inequality. She publicly identified as a feminist, and in her own words became an anarchist because of her “anger at the institutions set up by men” and her “disgust with the cramped, subordinated circle provided for women” (cited in Marsh 1978: 540). While some anarchist women openly allied themselves with feminists, many more vehemently rejected the label and were at times hostile to the women’s movement. Somewhat ironically, one of the few anarchist women to be given considerable attention by feminists – Emma Goldman – was intensely critical of the women’s movement during her lifetime. While Goldman centered considerations of gender and sexuality in much of her work and contributed to related discussions in both anarchist circles and society at large, she frequently criticized feminists’ pursuit of suffrage and more or less saw the women’s movement as a bourgeois endeavor incompatible with revolution.

In the years following the ‘classical period’ of Goldman’s time, particularly over the last 40 years, it has become more and more common for anarchists to ask: what can anarchism learn from feminism? The political culture, language, and practice of contemporary anarchism (while by no means free from sexism, queerphobia, or transmisogyny) draws from and is influenced by the theories and practices of feminists. Further, there is also a growing chorus of anarchists arguing for deeper engagement with Indigenous feminisms and political interventions, and their particular forms of resistance to settler colonialism, capitalism, the state and patriarchy (Warburton 2016). Given the ongoing nature of settler colonial dispossession in places like so-called ‘North America’, this raises some questions as to how to situate anarchism and feminism in such a context. Recent work on anarcha-Indigenism takes up some of these questions and explores the ways that exchange and dialogue can occur between anarchism, Indigenous resistance/resurgence practices and feminism (see e.g. Hall 2016; Affinities 2011).

However, the flip-side to anarchism’s interest in feminism is largely not true and it is rare for feminists to ask: what can feminism learn from anarchism? Anarchism and by extension anarchists are rarely included in feminist discourse. Contrary to those who see anarchism and feminism as an obvious match (Kornegger 2002), Ferguson notes that “anarchism has had trouble finding its place in feminism” and “a steady diet of demonization and ridicule of anarchy has not encouraged historians of feminism to take anarchism seriously” (2021). At the same time, Warburton (2016) cautions, however, that anarchists might need to confront the difficult question of what, if anything, anarchism might bring to Indigenous feminism in particular, given Indigenous feminism’s own theorizations and oppositions to the state and domination. The potential for more direct anarchist influences on feminism remains a question that needs more explicit discussion. All feminisms, after all, are not created equal. This Special Issue of Coils of the Serpent sets out from the premise that despite its shortcomings, anarchism has much to offer feminism and is worth being taken seriously and explored in greater detail.

We invite contributions on topics such as (but not limited to):

- Anarchist contributions to anti-carceral feminism

- Anarcha-feminism in the age of girlboss culture

- Anarchist critiques of the state and/or hierarchy and feminist engagements with electoral politics

- Anarchist analyses of institutionalization, cooptation, and/or recuperation in relation to feminism

- Gender abolition, anarchist struggle, and feminist futures

- Anarchist perspectives on the politics and pitfalls of “inclusion” and/or “representation”

- Women, queers, and trans radicals in anarchist history

- Anarchist theorizations of gender, struggle, and liberation

- Anarchism, feminism and the ongoing context of settler colonialism

- Gender struggle, illegality, and anarchism

- Discussions of the body, sexuality, and/or desire within anarchism

- Sex work and other types of gendered labour and anarchism

- Gender, militancy, and street politics

- Intersections and exchanges between anarchist, Indigenous, Black and Women of Colour feminisms

- Anarchy 101 for feminists

- Anarchist approaches to struggles for reproductive justice

- Prefigurative and everyday practices of feminism and their influence/importance within anarchist cultures of resistance

Please send an abstract of approximately 500 words and a short bio to the editors Tammy Kovich and Adam Lewis (tkovich-research@riseup.net and adamlewis.research@gmail.com) by 1 December 2021. Abstracts should include a title, topic outline, and information on the kind of text (essay, statement, scholarly article) as well as the approximate length of the planned text. Submissions can be in the form of a traditional journal article, but this is not a requirement. Submissions can also be more activist-oriented, of a personal nature, and/or experimental. The editors will get back to you by 1 January 2022, and full articles will be due 1 June 2022. Please read the journal’s submission guidelines: https://coilsoftheserpent.org/submissions/

References

Coulthard, G.S., J. Lasky, A. Lewis, and V. Watts (eds.) (2011). Anarch@Indigenism. Special issue of Affinities. .

Ferguson, K.E. (2021, March 10-12). “Lost Comrades of Emma Goldman: Anarchist Feminist Assemblages from the Paris Commune to the Spanish Revolution.” Paper presentation. Western Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Portland, OR, United States. .

Gemie, S. (1996). “Anarchism and Feminism: A Historical Survey.” Women’s History Review 5.3: 417-44.

Hall, L. (2016). “Indigenist Intersectionality: Decolonizing and Reweaving an Indigenous Eco-Queer Feminism and Anarchism.” Perspectives on Anarchist Theory 29: “Anarcha-Feminisms.” The Institute for Anarchist Studies, 81-93.

Kornegger, P. (2012). “Anarchism: The Feminist Connection.” Quiet Rumours: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader. Ed. Dark Star Collective. Oakland: AK Press, 25-35.

Liu, L.H., R.E. Karl, and D. Ko (eds.) (2013). The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational Theory. New York: Columbia University Press.

Marsh, M.S. (1978). “The Anarchist-Feminist Response to the ‘Woman Question’ in the Late Nineteenth-Century.” American Quarterly 30.4: 533-47.

Romeu Toro, C.A. (2013). “Luisa Capetillo, Anarchist and Spiritualist: A Synthesis of the Irreconcilable.” Without Borders or Limits: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Anarchist Studies. Ed. J.A. Meléndez Badillo and N.J. Jun. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 177-84.

Sonn, R.D. (2010). Sex, Violence, and the Avant-Garde: Anarchism in Interwar France. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press.

Warburton, T. (2016). “Coming to Terms: Rethinking Popular Approaches to Anarchism and Feminism.” Perspectives on Anarchist Theory 29: “Anarcha-Feminisms.” The Institute for Anarchist Studies, 68-76.
mashriq / arabia / iraq / gender / non-anarchist press Wednesday August 11, 2021 17:51 byFidaa Zaanin

Palestine looks back on a long history of women organizing dating back to as early as 1917, as well as a vibrant history of women’s social and political participation in the country. Nevertheless, the coordinated feminist protests that took place on 26 September 2019 took some by surprise.

On that day, thousands of Palestinian women – some of them for the first time in their lives – hit the streets of 12 cities across the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as in refugee camps and the diaspora including a protest in Berlin and another in London, in response to a call issued by the activist group Tal’at to protest the rise in gender-based violence (GBV), most notably so-called ‘honour killings’, in Palestinian society. The demonstrators also denounced all forms of violence – be it from patriarchy, toxic masculinity, sexual violence, sexual harassment in the workplace, economic exploitation, local political exclusion, sexist laws, or colonialism.

The catalyst of this newly formed feminist movement was the killing of Israa Ghrayeb, a 21-year-old Palestinian woman, by her family members in the West Bank. Women’s mobilizations are not uncommon in Palestine, nor was this mobilization unique or the first of its kind. Yet such strong and coordinated mobilization was definitely a somewhat unusual recent development, and could be attributed to the strong feminist discourse that has linked social and political issues in turbulent times, as well as a general rise in violence against Palestinian women.

The mobilization came after years of what many observers regarded as a stagnation in the women’s movement, and an increased marginalization of women’s voices and concerns in the Palestinian national struggle. The action developed without the organizers resorting to traditional methods of mobilization – specifically, without the resources and networks of the women’s organizations directly affiliated with the established Palestinian political parties. The Tal’at group is independent, meaning that, unlike other Palestinian women’s organizations, political parties and formal institutions have no control over it nor the tools and tactics they use.

A Glimmer of Hope
The Tal’at mobilization began as an urgent action under the slogan of “No Free Homeland without Free Women.” It swiftly captured widespread attention: locally among wide sections of Palestinian progressive circles and Arab feminist groups, and internationally among several feminist collectives in Latin America and the United States.

The activists involved successfully overcame military checkpoints, geographical fragmentation, and physical borders. Organizers managed to reach out to different individuals and groups in different cities via their own channels and social relationships. Some knew each other as political and social activists prior to the mobilization, while others met for the first time. Organizers used social media as their primarily mobilizing tool. In several cities, they also hung up posters.

For some Palestinian women, the mobilization represented a glimmer of hope that a better and more just future for all in a free Palestine could be possible. Although it was met largely with praise, optimism, and a great deal of support and solidarity, mostly due to its progressive feminist discourse and firm stance against all forms of oppression, an expected backlash came from conservative and reactionary Palestinians who reject feminism outright and view it as an imported, purely Western ideology with the goal of destroying family values and tearing apart the Palestinian social fabric, as well as from Palestinians who believe that women’s liberation can only be achieved later, after national liberation, plainly stating that women’s dignity and lives are for now not a priority.

Diverse Experiences, Diverse Discourses
Tal’at opened a new window of opportunity for Palestinian women hoping for real social and political change to make their voices heard and place a progressive feminist agenda at the core of Palestine’s national emancipation – an agenda that aspires to entrench liberation as a value in all aspects of life. Tal’at also sparked an online conversation among Palestinian women about feminism – the notion itself, what can or cannot be included under feminism, and lastly what it means to be a feminist in the Palestinian context today.

With regard to the last question, a discussion took place around what kind of allies and supporters are welcome within a Palestinian feminist movement. Based on that discussion, attempts made by some Israeli women’s groups to join Tal’at were rejected. Affirming that being a feminist in Palestine today means having total control over the feminist narrative, Tal’at issued an official statement, explaining in detail why such attempts will always be rejected. Important debates also unfolded among women and activists around feminist discourse in Palestine. The debates I observed were healthy and refrained from speaking of Palestinian women as a monolith, instead recognizing their diverse social and political backgrounds.

Acknowledging such diversity leaves room for articulating the lived experiences of Palestinian women, as shaped by their locations and identities and as subjects of multiple layers of oppression. Such diversity extends to the realms of women’s needs, concerns, expectations, and dreams. Many came to realize that for any Palestinian autonomous women’s organization or feminist organization to emerge, it would need to recognize those differences. Without doing so it would be just another futile attempt that benefits only some at the expense of others, and would not take us further toward full liberation.

That said, it is practically impossible to depict all feminist discourses and agendas on the ground, or to cover all the diverse viewpoints and attitudes of Palestinian women who identify as feminist. This is a very complex undertaking, as the field is still insufficiently investigated. Moreover, terms such as “feminism,” “feminist discourses,” “intersectionality,” and “patriarchy” only recently became more common in the public sphere and in conversation.

However, there is clearly a diverse range of feminist discourses and various strands of feminist and women activism which have emerged organically, for the simple reason that this system of structural violence impacts them differently, and the ideas and discourses they develop over time are based on their own concerns. Those diverse feminist discourses agree on several salient points and intersect around central questions, such as national liberation, political participation, femicide, women in the labour market, and women’s reproductive health and rights. They differ, however, in the lens they use and the strategies they employ to understand and engage with those questions.

Conservative Feminism
In a culturally conservative society like Palestine, religious teachings and beliefs still have a powerful influence on how people structure their everyday lives, and feminist and women’s rights discourses are no exception. The widespread conservative feminist discourse in Palestine views religion as a point of reference for its demands, and a standard what is acceptable and what is not. This conservative feminism is largely confined to what is socially acceptable, and its goals are usually limited to legal reforms such as pushing reforms that protect the rights of women to inheritance in accordance with Islamic law, and protecting this right against threats such as fraud and manipulation.

This discourse generally avoids any issues that are deemed to violate Islamic teachings, such as a woman’s right to appear in public without a head covering, to travel without a male guardian’s approval, sex work, or the right to sexuality. These issues, combined with patriarchal social norms, limit conservative discourse and set a very low bar for demands when compared to the other mainstream feminist discourse, namely the secular discourse.

Nevertheless, this conservative discourse – since it is less in confrontation with society and the system – is granted space to safely campaign without being demonized or targeted, in contrast to what happens to their secular counterparts. The conservative religious discourse around feminism or women’s rights has also opened up discussions over the right to education, access to healthcare, the right to work, disability rights, matters related to the so-called “personal status law,” and violence against women.

One heated, ongoing debate in Gaza specifically revolves around changing the laws concerning child custody and child visitation rights, with the goal of at least adopting the same law as it is applied in the West Bank. In Gaza, divorced women lose their custody rights once their children reach the age of seven (for boys) and nine (for girls). In most cases, they are also denied the right to visitation as a punishment, and may not ever see their children again. Meanwhile, in the West Bank, child custody for women lasts until the age of 15 for both boys and girls, with better regulations regarding visitation rights for both parents.

The debate around child custody was sparked in June 2020 by the murder of 20-year-old Madeline Jarab’a, who was killed for getting in touch with her divorced mother. One month later, the ten-year-old Amal Al Jamaly was killed by her father following disagreements between him and her mother. This pattern of killings encouraged women and mothers, most of them divorced, to start a campaign demanding justice by changing the law. Today the group encompasses around 1,500 women, who have already organized media campaigns, a petition, and protests in front of the legislative council, chanting and holding written banners with Quranic verses and hadiths (traditions of the Prophet Muhammad) concerning the regulations of familial relationships during marriage and after divorce.

Secular Feminism
At the opposite end of the spectrum, a secular feminist discourse led by a broader network of women’s rights activists and groups can be observed. The demands raised within this discourse go further, and its protagonists are keener to challenge social norms and patriarchal structures whether religion, domestic patriarchy, or structural violence from formal institutions. Both reformist and radical tendencies can be identified, including feminists who are liberal, left-wing, or who are opposed to political Islam.

Violence against women and ‘honour crimes’ are top of the agenda here, as well as the politicization of women’s bodies, sexual abuse, harassment in the workplace, economic exploitation, the hijab, freedom of movement, women’s reproductive health, employment rights and legal reforms, changing the penal code, governmental protection for women, tougher laws, and ensuring that laws are in compliance with ratified international treaties such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

A Younger and Bolder Generation
Part of this secular discourse is a newly-emerging younger generation that identifies as feminist and does not shy away from the term out of fear of backlash. Tal’at is one example of this generation, while another is the queer-feminist organization Al Qaws with headquarters in Jerusalem and offices in Ramallah, Haifa, and Jaffa. In Gaza there is #MeTooGaza, focusing mainly on sexual harassment and honour crimes.

This younger generation is clearly bolder and has a more nuanced understanding of the patriarchal system, power relations, gender dynamics, and how all systems of oppression are linked both in theory and practice. Its level of understanding can largely be attributed to social media and thus access to information, whether in relation to feminist theory, schools of feminism, or worldwide feminist struggles. It goes without saying that the #MeTooGaza group is heavily influenced by the global #MeToo movement.

There is a clear distinction between these groups and an older generation of women activists who may themselves be aware of gender inequalities, but nevertheless are only involved to a limited extent. The older generation are affiliated with established Palestinian political parties, which have sometimes restricted their feminism in praxis and held them back politically. A member of the General Union of Palestinian Women (GUPW), the main official institution that represents Palestinian women within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and which therefore represents Palestinian women from all political parties, explained the following in a personal interview:

Women in the GUPW and all Non-Governmental Organizations associated with it, have to prioritize the interests of the party over the interests of women. They have no choice. If the men in the political party see an issue that concerns these women as a non-priority issue, then, it will not be a priority on those women’s agenda… Women representatives from political parties within the GUPW, would only prioritize supporting and helping women who are members of their same party.

The topics discussed online in younger feminist circles, on the other hand, go beyond heteronormative feminism: they discuss sexual orientation, gender identities, and gender transitioning. They open up conversations about reshaping gender roles at home, where inequality begins and becomes normalized, as well as debates around pleasure, emotional labour, sex work, marital rape, abortion rights, intersectionality, and male control over women’s bodies and sexuality. They are also more vocal about sexual harassment and sexual abuse in the private sphere. In a society that considers everything around sexuality and sexual expression as taboo, this is significant.

The emerging young feminist generation is fully aware that addressing social questions, such as the oppression of women, is also a political question. They are accordingly critical of neoliberal practices such as the depoliticization of “collective women’s concerns” via NGO-ization, which then become co-opted into donor-driven projects with deadlines, as happens all too often in Gaza and the West Bank. That is one reason why Tal’at publicly distanced themselves from this kind of, in their eyes, superficial feminism, stating they were a totally independent Hirak (movement), as many women had lost faith in pro-women NGOs and their agendas.

The emerging feminist generation is also critical of the reformist tendencies among the secular feminist discourse and refuses to ignore the patriarchal nature of the political system, while rejecting the idea that the feminist agenda should be limited to superficial changes that only benefit elite women. For instance, they do not cherish changes that can be leveraged in the service of the Palestinian Authority (PA) and help the PA to improve its public image.

This generation does not simply accept scratching the surface of the problem by appointing more women within PA structures, recruiting women for the police, limiting political participation to acts of engagement within the system, and using the tools of the system such as having more women in the government. This generation clearly views the PA and its institutions as part of the patriarchal system responsible for violence against women and reproducing violence against marginalized groups, and which thus needs to be dismantled in the process of full liberation. There are of course women’s rights activists who disagree with that assessment, and view the PA as an important actor that cannot be omitted from the equation.

A Discourse in Flux
Looking back at the feminist discourse and activism that was visible in Palestine five years ago, it is clear that a certain maturity has emerged in today’s discourse, and it continues to change, even if slowly.

The discourse has become more nuanced: new topics are gaining more space, as seen in contemporary discussions of issues such as the intersection of class and women’s oppression, the importance of producing feminist knowledge in Arabic, and even topics like black abolitionist feminism.

In addition, matters that are considered taboo like sex and sexuality are being discussed, even if in smaller circles or online. Nevertheless, those conversations are not yet mainstream, and perhaps take place only in private progressive feminist groups.

Silence and Complicity around Honour Killings
Gender-based violence and what are often known as ‘honour crimes’ are the two main issues haunting women in Palestine. Both are usually swept under the rug as ‘private matters’ and ‘personal issues’, in line with a rhetoric that views such horrific violations as individual cases, not as systematic crimes. Women who speak up or complain are regularly shamed for doing so.

There are no reliable statistics around honour crimes and violence against women. Many incidents go unreported. Recent years, however, have seen a spike in publicly reported crimes on social media. According to women’s rights organizations, 35 women were killed in Gaza and the West Bank in 2020 – but even this figure is only an estimate. Many cases are registered as ‘honour killings’ because the family or the perpetrators feel no shame over what they did. However, other killings get registered as “suicides” or “accidents” as a way to close the case quickly and avoid public scrutiny.

The notion of ‘honour’ behind these ‘honour’ crimes is highly vague, yet is the main declared motive for those killings. There is no catalogue listing the behaviours that supposedly stain a family’s honour and thus deserve the punishment. It could be innocuous acts ranging from not sticking to the expected code of morality, maintaining a Facebook account, receiving a phone call from a co-worker, talking to a stranger, or coming home late. This vagueness is tied to the idea that women must preserve their chastity, in line with the dominant religious laws and social patriarchal norms in Palestinian society. Additional pressure is put on unmarried women, as society attempts to control their sexuality and ensure their ‘virginity’. Women who adhere to social norms and religious laws are categorized as ‘good’ women, while those who do not are regarded as ‘bad’.

Honour crimes are also used as a cover for crimes committed on other grounds, such as the right to inheritance or the right to choose a partner. Perpetrators know very well that, if they claim they committed the crime on grounds of defending the family’s honour, they will receive a reduced sentence – or no punishment at all. Even when women are fortunate enough to have the access and privilege to report threats and abuse, their complaints are usually dismissed by police. This behaviour on the part of police or hospital staff is not merely an individual problem: those institutions and employees are guards of the patriarchal system; they, too, are part of the problem.

Reporting sexual harassment and abuse is not an easy process. Due to the widespread stigma associated with sexual abuse, women are often afraid to seek justice. When they do, they are subjected to a long process that violates their bodies through medical examinations, thus adding to their trauma. Women accusers are expected to prove that the incident really happened and navigate a number of bureaucratic hurdles. More often than that, the process ends with the abuser walking away and justice not being served.

As a result, women refrain from speaking out about rape and sexual harassment perpetrated by relatives and family members. They stay with their abusers since governmental institutions and laws offer no real protection. In Gaza, for example, there are two women’s shelters – one run by the government and one belonging to an NGO. Neither provide real solutions. According to testimonies from women who have been to them, the NGO-led shelter still uses traditional patriarchal ways of dealing with cases, such as male mediation and tribal interventions. The governmental shelter is much worse: women are shamed and blamed for what happened to them, and workers uphold the very same conservative social ideology that subjected women to violence. Rather than find the refuge and protection they seek, women at the shelter find themselves negotiating with patriarchy instead.

Social Media: A New Battleground
The patriarchal structures and social norms of Palestinian society not only permit and normalize violence against women, but also prevent them from seeking justice. This is coupled with the complicity of formal institutions that reinforce and reproduce violence. They provide legal loopholes, allowing the abuser to get away with crimes or receive reduced sentences. Essentially, the whole system is designed to protect abusers.

Women and girls have lost faith in the system, and constantly question the ability of these institutions to provide them with safety and protection. All of this has pushed them toward thinking of new ways of making their concerns public, using social media platforms like Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook, hoping these would provide them with some protection.

In the case of Israa Ghrayeb, if it were not for the videos and conversations that were leaked to social media, which later sparked outrage leading to a huge campaign demanding justice and investigation under the hashtag #JusticeForIsraa, the crime would have gone unnoticed, and Israa would have been just another victim, another number.

Similarly, in the case of Madeline Jarab’a, if it had not been for individual feminist efforts, no one would have known what had happened and that a girl had been killed. In the face of public feminist pressure, her father was arrested but later freed, due to a legal loophole that allowed the next of kin to pardon the perpetrator, who in this case was the father himself.

In August 2020, two young women from Gaza went live on Facebook to speak out about physical abuse by their family members in separate incidents. This unprecedented event defied social restrictions concerning violence against women being a private matter. Alaa Yasin, one of the two girls, went to the governmental shelter in August 2020, and told me: “[i]n the first week people working in the shelter were nice to me, in the second week things were getting worse, they tried to take my phone, push me to go back home to my abusive family, it was like a prison, not a place for safety and protection.” She eventually managed to leave for Egypt.

One month later, on 17 September 2020, another young girl took to Facebook and Instagram to speak about being sexually harassed by her father and other family members. If there is one thing families fear, it is such issues being made public, where they might harm the family’s reputation.

Because of the lack of direct action on the street around these crimes, recently we can observe more Palestinian feminist groups emerging on social media, disseminating information about feminism and women’s rights, speaking up about crimes against women, and building networks. They are initiating campaigns like #MeTooGaza that tackle sexual harassment, while the relative anonymity ensured by the internet provides them with safety and protection in a conservative society. At the very least, these groups allow women to share their stories and heal together. They also allow women to discover new ways of supporting each other, which is something that is not possible outside of the virtual world.

Social media has allowed feminists to communicate directly with each other and building support systems online, where survivors and victims know they are not alone in their struggle. This use of social media platforms by feminist groups has also attracted a backlash in the form of online misogynist threats, cyberbullying, and blackmail. This has opened up a conversation about what tactics can be developed to fight such attacks and keep feminist groups and individuals safe.

Fighting Patriarchy and Colonialization
Compared to Saudi Arabia’s strict guardianship laws, one could almost get the idea that male guardianship does not really exist in Palestine or the rest of the Arab world. That would be a mistake. Palestine definitely has an informal male guardianship system that is held up and reinforced by society and formal institutions, even if the Palestinian Basic Law states otherwise. Women are often prevented from enrolling in a university, having a job, going for a walk, visiting friends, choosing their partner, or traveling without a male guardian’s approval.

In one instance, women who tried to leave Gaza via the Rafah Border Crossing, all of whom were over 18 years old, were appalled when border guards asked them to call their “male guardian” in order to receive consent for their travel. On 14 February 2021, the Higher Sharia Court Council in Gaza issued a circular prohibiting unmarried women of all ages from travelling without their male guardian’s approval. After public pressure and campaigns, they are said to be revising the circular. That being said, even if it is revised, informally women would still be asked to call their male guardian or risk being returned to Gaza and denied crossing.

The conservative norms prevalent across Arab society provide Palestinian feminists with more than enough social ills to address, but not all of their problems are home-grown. After all, the oppression of Palestinian women cannot be understood outside of the context of the structural violence of the Israeli occupation. The violence Palestinian women are subjected to every day cannot be separated from the reality of Palestinian society as a whole.

Israeli policies and the dispossession of Palestinian bodies and lands for decades also includes gendered violence against Palestinian women, while at the same time the harsh political and economic realities caused by the occupation play a role in reinforcing violence within Palestinian society. For instance, Palestinian women holding Israeli citizenship are subjected to different forms of violence, where Israeli institutions deliberately reinforce patriarchal kin unit structures at the expense of women’s lives under the pretext that this violence is a cultural specificity of the Arab community. Meanwhile Palestinian women in Gaza have little control over their lives, living under a tight Israeli-Egyptian blockade. Uniting these distinct experiences, however, is the occupation.

The same feminist activists who oppose structural patriarchy in Palestinian society also fight against colonialist policies. In doing so, they risk arrest and torture in Israel jails, being searched and humiliated at checkpoints, surveillance, having their freedom of movement taken away from them, being besieged, blackmailed, and denied access to healthcare services, and even having their right to self-determination taken away. As this younger generation of feminists emerges, it rejects the rhetoric of prioritizing national liberation and side-lining feminist discourses, instead arguing that the liberation of the homeland and the liberation of its women go hand in hand.

From Scene to Movement
The list of challenges feminists and organizers for women’s rights face in Palestine is indeed long, beginning with their difficult position wedged between domestic patriarchy and foreign occupation. Although key driving forces behind building a social movement, such as injustice and oppression, are strongly present, reality continues to impose limitations on their ability to engage in political struggle. When building a feminist movement, geographical fragmentation can pose a huge obstacle.

The lack of resources and infrastructure also poses enormous challenges that affect the ability to mobilize and organize, and hinder the building of a strong feminist movement by making the process of growth much slower. This are compounded by other negative factors like frustration, demoralization, the constant backlash from conservative forces, or the threat of being harmed for organizing under political banners. All these dynamics weaken any attempts made by Palestinian women to launch collective feminist action of any kind.

There have been incredible efforts to build a feminist movement in Palestine in the past years, as the local discourse develops and shifts and feminist groups seek to alter the status quo. That said, what we have today is a Palestinian feminist scene, not a movement. Tal’at, for example, has gathered momentum, but whether it will be able to persist and establish continuity is anybody’s guess.

However, all the recent efforts, as well as how women and feminists are engaging with them, clearly show that there is a thirst for change, and a desire to fight for gender justice and liberation. To build a feminist movement in and for the future, feminists need to redefine the political space and reclaim public space, and not confine women’s presence only to national emergencies. We need to rethink organizing and develop new organizational models suitable for the socio-political and cultural context in Palestine in order to be able to conceptualize a broader vision of our collective liberation.
venezuela / colombia / género / opinión / análisis Tuesday July 13, 2021 10:08 byViaLibre

El pasado domingo 4 de julio de 2021 se realizó en Bogotá la contra marcha por la liberación de las disidencias sexuales y de género. Esta iniciativa, parte de las actividades del orgullo crítico de las personas sexo disidentes a nivel mundial, fue convocada a nivel local por la Colectiva Libertaria Severas Flores y otros procesos organizativos, y logro reunir cerca de 1.000 participantes, con un gran protagonismo juvenil, trans y feminista.

El pasado domingo 4 de julio de 2021 se realizó en Bogotá la contra marcha por la liberación de las disidencias sexuales y de género. Esta iniciativa, parte de las actividades del orgullo crítico de las personas sexo disidentes a nivel mundial, fue convocada a nivel local por la Colectiva Libertaria Severas Flores y otros procesos organizativos, y logro reunir cerca de 1.000 participantes, con un gran protagonismo juvenil, trans y feminista.

La actividad inicio sobre la 1:00 pm en la carrera 7ma con Calle 13-Misak, y continuo con una marcha hacia el norte de la ciudad, primero por esta vía y a la altura de la carrera 19, por la carrera octava, en un despliegue de crítica a la heterosexualidad normativa y en solidaridad con las protestas del paro nacional.

A la altura del Museo Nacional, la contra marcha se topó con la cabecera de la movilización oficial del gay pride, frente a la que se presentaron diversos actos de protesta por la exclusión de las personas trans y la reproducción de la cultura patriarcal, se dio lectura a un manifiesto crítico y se corearon consignas contra la mercantilización y la despolitización de la celebración oficial, al tiempo que se desarrollaban bloqueos intermitentes de los camiones corporativos que habitualmente acompañan la convocatoria de liderazgo empresarial.

Tras un corto desvío por la Calle 32, la marcha continuó su recorrido hacia el norte por la Avenida Caracas bloqueado parcialmente Transmilenio, recibiendo más adelante un nuevo grupo de participantes lideradas por una batucada feminista, en la calle 57. Finalmente, tras un recorrido de más de 7 horas, la movilización termino en un acto cultural en el monumento a Los Héroes de la calle 85, importante punto de concentración de la protesta en la capital tras el estallido social.

Desde Vía Libre participamos de esta convocatoria con nuestras banderas morada negras y rojinegras, en un bloque autónomo, en compañía de nuestras compañeras de Mujeres En Lucha-Organización feminista libertaria, la Coordinadora de Procesos de Educación Popular (CPEP) En Lucha y diferentes individualidades.

Reflexión

La marcha principal del orgullo se ha convertido en una convocatoria institucionalizada y vaciada de muchos de los contenidos de protesta que originaron la Revuelta de Stonewall de 1969. Esta actividad, está pensada como un desfile tipo carnaval, con sus carros alegóricos patrocinados por empresas, que desmoviliza las luchas disidentes, con participantes pasivos que son más bien acompañantes divertidos y que pueden llegar a corear lemas reaccionarios como sucedió en la marcha de 2018 en Bogotá con el: “queremos fiesta, no política”. Sin embargo, hay un amplio grupo de participantes de la convocatoria ampliamente mayoritaria, entre jóvenes y disidentes de base, que simplemente no podemos olvidar, y asisten a la convocatoria oficialista por ser las más difundida y conocida. De esta forma consideramos que debemos buscar acercar mediante trabajo de base y empatía, a estas compañeras a las propuestas revolucionarias.

Por otro lado, la ausencia de muchas organizaciones y sectores sociales y aún de la mayoría del movimiento de mujeres en esta convocatoria, es sintomática de una separación entre los movimientos lgbtiq, y otros movimientos populares, que es necesario ir superando en la teoría y la práctica, en miras a construir una cultura anti patriarcal que retome los ideales de lucha común de los movimientos de liberación homosexual de 1970.

Asimismo, sin desdeñar la importancia de los elementos identitarios e ideológicos generales, es importante profundizar la presencia de reivindicaciones y luchas concretas en la movilización, incorporando la demanda por la inclusión laboral trans en todos los ámbitos y sectores económicos, la educación liberadora y no sexista y la lucha contra la segregación en el ámbito de la salud y otros servicios sociales.

A riesgo de ser reiterativas, no podemos sino señalar que una lucha por la vida digna en nuestro presente nos debe llevar a defender el derecho a la protesta social. Sin embargo, la lucha por la vida digna también debe llevarnos a sostener el imperativo ético y político de adoptar de forma consciente y coherente las medidas de bio seguridad indispensables en tiempos de pandemia, como lo son el uso constante del tapabocas, la limitación del uso de objetos compartidos y la distancia social. Todo esto cobra más urgencia en este momento tan oscuro y delicado de la pandemia y aún más en el contexto de una población empobrecida, precarizada y sin acceso regular a servicios de salud como lo es la población trans y la población sexo disidente de extracción popular en general. En esta convocatoria, como en muchas otras de las convocatorias juveniles del último periodo, falto extremar los cuidados y auto cuidados, actitud que seguiremos defendiendo debe modificase en el futuro inmediato en todos los movimientos populares.

¡Arriba las que luchan!
Grupo Libertario Vía Libre

venezuela / colombia / género / anarchist communist event Thursday July 01, 2021 08:17 byViaLibre

Encuentros Ácratas: Perspectivas Anarquistas del movimiento de disidencias sexuales
Invitado especial: Felipe Caro (Historiador especialista en movimientos de disidencias sexuales)

#VíaLibre #ActividadAnarquista #EncuentrosÁcratas #28J #EncuentrosÁcratas2021

Encuentros Ácratas: Perspectivas Anarquistas del movimiento de disidencias sexuales

Invitado especial: Felipe Caro (Historiador especialista en movimientos de disidencias sexuales)

Jueves 1 de julio 2021. 6:00pm
Facebook Live Vía Libre Grupo Libertario

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