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italia / svizzera / economia / opinione / analisi Friday November 17, 2017 02:04 byBrunoL

consideriamo essenziale interpretare il concetto di imperialismo globalizzato e finanziario. Questo si manifesta con forme più grossolane, come l'invasione militare, all'oggetto di studio a cui questo testo si collega, i rapporti complementari e subordinati delle Transnational Corporations (TNC), paradisi fiscali, capitale finanziario come forma di accumulazione selvaggia contemporanea, indebitamento assicurato di intere popolazioni e l'esistenza di una nefasta somma di élite organiche che agiscono attraverso porte girevoli su scala nazionale e transnazionale, servendo e localizzando l'attuale versione del neoliberismo.


Per una definizione dell'imperialismo nella fase del capitalismo globale e finanziario post-2008


Ho lavorato sul tema della globalizzazione finanziaria dall'agosto 2008, al culmine della "crisi" - che io chiamo crisi-farsa - originata dalla bolla immobiliare americana e dalla conseguente liquidazione di mutui senza zavorra. Il passo precedente di questa ricerca è stato fatto nel libro "Svelare la farsa con il nome di crisi" (Bruno Lima Rocha / Anderson Santos Vista: encurtador.com.br/abPVX). Vale la pena ricordare che il 2008 non è stata la prima "crisi" del dopo-Guerra Fredda se consideriamo la situazione del pianeta dopo gli attacchi dell'11 settembre del 2001. Da quel momento, ho deciso di dedicare parte dello sforzo analitico per collegare alcune variabili fondamentali per la scala del dominio planetario di questo mondo post-2008.

E' necessario caratterizzare l'azione imperialista nel XXI secolo sia nelle cosiddette "rivoluzioni colorate", come nel suo effetto successivo, l'internazionalizzazione delle imprese nazionali, la dismissione del patrimonio collettivo e lo sfruttamento sfrenato delle risorse naturali non rinnovabili. L'obiettivo permanente è la finanziarizzazione delle economie subordinando la volontà sovrana delle società reali. In questa azione congiunta e combinata, l'opinione pubblica viene coinvolta in maniera strutturale. La capillarità di Internet e la manipolazione dei Big Data da parte di fornitori statunitensi implicano la fragile sovranità delle società civili dell'America Latina.

Una variabile di base è il concetto di imperialismo e la necessità di una sua revisione. Vivendo in America Latina e insegnando scienze politiche e relazioni internazionali, ci troviamo automaticamente in una posizione polarizzata dagli Stati Uniti e nella capacità di proiettare altri inserimenti nel Sistema Internazionale lontano dall'asse anglosassone e dall'Europa Unita. Allo stesso tempo, una nozione realistica ci fa evitare qualsiasi adesione alle posizioni della Russia, dell'India e ancora meno della Cina. Nel nostro caso, osservando le relazioni asimmetriche del potere globale dal Brasile come paese continentale leader, è possibile manovrare all'interno dell'ombrello BRICS, ma riconoscendo l'esistenza di un imperialismo cinese su scala globale e le relative proiezioni dentro e fuori l'Eurasia per queste tre potenze.

Con queste avvertenze, consideriamo essenziale interpretare il concetto di imperialismo globalizzato e finanziario. Questo si manifesta con forme più grossolane, come l'invasione militare, all'oggetto di studio a cui questo testo si collega, i rapporti complementari e subordinati delle Transnational Corporations (TNC), paradisi fiscali, capitale finanziario come forma di accumulazione selvaggia contemporanea, indebitamento assicurato di intere popolazioni e l'esistenza di una nefasta somma di élite organiche che agiscono attraverso porte girevoli su scala nazionale e transnazionale, servendo e localizzando l'attuale versione del neoliberismo.

Tale sistema di dominio opera attraverso una dimensione complementare di intellighenzia e spionaggio elettronico (vedi interruzione dei segnali o il sigint- lo spionaggio di segnali elettromagnetici), l'appoggio giuridico-politico e non ideologico dei media specializzati (come il ruolo del "giornalismo" economico), agenzie di analisi "di rischio", le raccomandazioni degli organismi di Bretton Woods (come il Fondo monetario internazionale e la Banca Mondiale), gli operatori "nazionali" legati a fondi voluminosi e poco o nulla regolamentati come gli hedge funds e l'insieme di strumenti di accumulazione attraverso il cosiddetto sistema bancario ombra. Al primo posto, attiva in ogni società reale, osserviamo l'interiorizzazione degli interessi esterni (imperialisti) tramite gli accordi di cooperazione legale internazionale, negli istituti e nei think tank della "nuova" destra (che si è diffusa come metastasi in America Latina), nel soggiogamento delle istituzioni dello stato capitalista - riducendo i margini della democrazia di massa - ed espandendo tanto gli spazi di mercato - la commercializzazione - come la privatizzazione delle risorse, delle società e dei beni collettivi (come le riserve di risorse naturali) e la pressione costante proveniente dalla maggior parte dei vertici della piramide delle nostre società per essere assorbite come partner di minoranza nella distopia del capitalismo globale con la "libertà e l'efficienza" del mercato.

Nella dimensione dell'obiettivo permanente, il modus operandi su scala mondiale esprime la crescente concentrazione di TNC - inclusi i conglomerati cinesi, russi, indiani e fino a poco tempo fa brasiliani la cui capacità di interconnessione è inversamente proporzionale alla conservazione di risorse rinnovabili del pianeta e dei biomi. L'internazionalizzazione delle catene di approvvigionamento secondarie, l'interdipendenza subordinata di interi mercati e società reali- come la vendita nel mercato dei futures di colture agricole e la dollarizzazione di prodotti primari - e una produzione scientifica piramidale in cui la circolazione della ricerca scientifica è inversamente proporzionale al segreto industriale e alle capacità di ricerca e sviluppo con contenuto nazionale, definiscono un pianeta in cui i conglomerati di capitali trasversali e il controllo degli azionisti multipli, ma subordinati a centri decisionali esterni, aumentano le fragilità di ogni paese e fanno della sovranità decisionale un obiettivo sempre più distante .

Questo insieme complesso si realizza nell'accumulazione selvaggia della ricchezza attraverso gli impegni di rimborso - obbligazioni, titoli, strumenti finanziari - e depositi all'estero in un autentico casinò globale protetto da una legislazione specifica in territori con giurisdizioni speciali. Sia gli individui che le aziende sono beneficiari di questo meccanismo e i depositi nei "paradisi" possono essere considerati la forma contemporanea di arricchimento. I valori che si accumulano in queste giurisdizioni eludono sia il fisco dei paesi - e quindi non si trasformano in politiche pubbliche o di finanziamento dell'apparato statale - né aumentano il reddito medio delle società. È esattamente l'opposto. Il modello di accumulazione finanziaria e l'azione dell'imperialismo nella sua fase di globalizzazione post-2008 vede l'aumento della circolazione del "settore finanziario" non regolamentato, in modo che la ricchezza non provenga nemmeno dallo sfruttamento del lavoro e dall'estrazione di plusvalore. Il capitalismo esistente non ha più bisogno di generare un volume di lavoro vivo e un massiccio impiego diretto, ma di subordinare le società a fini privati ​​in nome della "crescita" di alcuni settori o della "stabilità".

L'assenza di lavoro vivo e il sequestro della capacità estrattiva degli Stati aumenta la lacuna di rappresentanza e la cattura di beni collettivi da parte di entità private, dato che i loro rappresentanti entrano e escono dal governo e dalle tecnocrazie di carriera. Come si può vedere, la complessità dell'imperialismo contemporaneo ci costringe ad affrontare importanti sfide teoriche e organizzative.


Bruno Lima Rocha é professore di scienze politiche e relazioni internazionali / (www.estrategiaeanalise.com.br para textos e colunas de áudio / estrategiaeanaliseblog.com para vídeos e entrevistas / blimarocha@gmail.com para E-mail e Facebook)

(traduzione a cura di Alternativa Libertaria/fdca - Ufficio Relazioni Internazionali)

Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Αναρχικό κίνημα / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Wednesday November 15, 2017 18:09 byΑναρχική Ομοσπονδία

Τότε και τώρα τα καθεστώτα έχουν διακυμάνσεις: άλλες φορές «προσφέρουν» επιπλέον ελευθερίες- άλλες φορές τις περιστέλλουν. Δεν πρέπει να επιτρέπουμε στους εαυτούς μας να αυταπατώνται από τα παιχνίδια πότε του ενός και πότε του άλλου κομματιού της Κυριαρχίας. Εκείνο που πάντα αποκρύπτεται είτε από τις "Χούντες" είτε από τις αστικές "Δημοκρατίες" είναι το γεγονός της εκχώρησης: έχουμε εκχωρήσει το δικαίωμα κάποιος να μας δίνει ή να μας αφαιρεί ελευθερίες ή ακόμα και να θεωρεί πως δεν αξίζει καν να γίνει λόγος για αυτές.

17 Νοέμβρη, Όλοι στους δρόμους

Στις 17 Νοεμβρίου του 1973 τα άρματα μάχης, οι αστυνομικές και στρατιωτικές δυνάμεις της δικτατορίας, εισέβαλαν στο Εθνικό Μετσόβιο Πολυτεχνείο, με στόχο να κατασταλεί η εξέγερση των φοιτητών και όχι μόνο ενάντια στην στρατιωτική δικτατορία. Η συνέχεια είναι γνωστή. Νεκροί αγωνιστές, καταστολή και σκλήρυνση του καθεστώτος με την αντικατάσταση του δικτάτορα Παπαδόπουλου από τον Ιωαννίδη. Πρέπει να σημειωθεί πως η εξέγερση είχε πραγματοποιηθεί σε μια περίοδο όπου η χούντα είχε επιχειρήσει τον εξωραϊσμό της μέσα από μια διαδικασία "εκδημοκρατισμού", την αβασίλευτη δημοκρατία και την "κυβέρνηση" Μαρκεζίνη.

Τότε και τώρα τα καθεστώτα έχουν διακυμάνσεις: άλλες φορές «προσφέρουν» επιπλέον ελευθερίες- άλλες φορές τις περιστέλλουν. Δεν πρέπει να επιτρέπουμε στους εαυτούς μας να αυταπατώνται από τα παιχνίδια πότε του ενός και πότε του άλλου κομματιού της Κυριαρχίας. Εκείνο που πάντα αποκρύπτεται είτε από τις "Χούντες" είτε από τις αστικές "Δημοκρατίες" είναι το γεγονός της εκχώρησης: έχουμε εκχωρήσει το δικαίωμα κάποιος να μας δίνει ή να μας αφαιρεί ελευθερίες ή ακόμα και να θεωρεί πως δεν αξίζει καν να γίνει λόγος για αυτές.

Το ζήτημα είναι ακριβώς αυτό όμως! Ποιoς δίνει στην πραγματικότητα στους κάθε λογής Κυρίαρχους το δικαίωμα να αποφασίζουν για την ζωή μας; Πότε θα κατανοήσουμε επιτέλους πως αυτή η εναλλαγή των ήσυχων ή των βίαιων περιόδων που χαρακτηρίζουν τα πολιτεύματα που επιβάλει η Κυριαρχία δεν είναι τίποτε άλλο από μια αποπροσανατολιστική μασκαράτα; Στόχος της δεν είναι άλλος παρά να διαφυλάσσει τον εξουσιαστικό πυρήνα των κοινωνιών που ζούμε. Έναν πυρήνα που τον συγκροτεί η κοινωνική ανισότητα, η εκμετάλλευση ανθρώπου από άνθρωπο και η στυγνή ταξική κυριαρχία κάποιων πάνω σε κάποιους άλλους. Η μνήμη της εξέγερσης και της αιματηρής καταστολής του Πολυτεχνείου επιχειρήθηκε πολλές φορές στο παρελθόν να αποσιωπηθεί ή να μετατραπεί σε μια ελεγχόμενη φιέστα της αστικής δημοκρατίας. Πάντοτε όμως η μνήμη της νεανικής ορμής και του επαναστατικού ρομαντισμού αυτής της εφόδου ενάντια στον μονόλιθο της Εξουσίας, παρά την ανισότητα δυνάμεων των δύο συγκρουόμενων πλευρών, έχει καταφέρει να διαφύγει του ελέγχου. Οι εξεγερμένοι και οι καταπιεσμένοι κάθε εποχής ανανεώνουν μέσα στις δεκαετίες το πολιτικό περιεχόμενο της επετείου του Πολυτεχνείου με τις δικές τους διαδηλώσεις και εξεγέρσεις.

Το σήμερα από το χθες μπορεί να έχει πολύ μεγάλες διαφορές αλλά στην ουσία τίποτα δεν έχει ολοκληρωθεί.

Οι αγώνες για μόρφωση, κοινωνική δικαιοσύνη, αξιοπρεπείς συνθήκες διαβίωσης για όλες και όλους και κυρίως για Ελευθερία απέναντι σε κάθε ρυθμιστή της ζωής μας έχουν μείνει ανολοκλήρωτες, όχι μόνον σε τοπικό αλλά και σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο. Το κεφάλαιο, οι εθνικές και υπερεθνικές ελίτ, δίπλα στον αναδυόμενο φασισμό και τον θρησκευτικό φονταμενταλισμο, έχουν εξαπολύσει σε όλο τον κόσμο επίθεση άγριας εκμετάλλευσης, βίας και θανάτου στους προλετάριους και τους καταπιεσμένους. Η 17η Νοεμβρίου του 1973 για εμάς είναι μέρα εξέγερσης – μία ακόμα στιγμή μέσα σε αιώνες αγώνων σε όλα τα μήκη και τα πλάτη του πλανήτη. Εμείς, οι εκμεταλλευόμενοι /ες και καταπιεσμένοι/ες, είμαστε όλα αυτά τα εκατομμύρια ανθρώπων που μέσα στους αιώνες συντριβόμαστε από την εξουσία. Εμείς είμαστε πάντα αυτοί που όταν το συνειδητοποιούμε επαναστατούμε. Αυτός ο αγώνας δεν αφορά μόνον κάποιο ομιχλώδες παρελθόν πριν από δεκαετίες αλλά κυρίως αφορά ΤΩΡΑ, τους δικούς μας αγώνες. Τους αγώνες του ΣΗΜΕΡΑ. Η επέτειος του Πολυτεχνείου στέκεται πάντα ενάντια σε κάθε είδους κελεύσματα των σειρήνων της εξουσίας και των φερέφωνων-διανοούμενων στα πανεπιστήμια και τα Μ.Μ.Ε, ενάντια στα δίκτυα συμφερόντων, στους δικαστικούς και γραφειοκρατικούς θεσμούς του εξουσιαστικού συμπλέγματος. Είναι ένα κάλεσμα εξέγερσης και ως τέτοιο πρέπει να ηχεί στα αυτιά μας. Ένα κάλεσμα για ακηδεμόνευτους αγώνες, και για την σύνδεση αυτών των αγώνων μεταξύ τους. Ένα κάλεσμα ενάντια σε κάθε μορφή επιβολής και ένα κάλεσμα για απελευθέρωση. Για εμάς τους αναρχικούς - όπως και το Νοέμβρη του '73 έτσι και σήμερα- αυτός ο αγώνας αποτελεί πάντα ένα κάλεσμα προς την κοινωνία για μια ζωή χωρίς εξουσιαστές και εξουσιαζόμενους, για το βίωμα της ελευθερίας μέσα από τη συλλογική ζωή, το πρόταγμα του ελευθεριακού κομμουνισμού, της αυτοθέσμισης και της συλλογικής αυτοδιεύθυνσης των κοινοτήτων, των μέσων παραγωγής, των δικτύων δωρεάν διανομής όλων των αγαθών.

Στην θέση του χτεσινού Παπαδόπουλου, Καραμανλή, Νίξον και Κίσσινγκερ αντιστοιχούν σήμερα οι Τράμπ, Πούτιν, Μητσοτάκης, Τσίπρας, Μέρκελ, Μακρόν και μια σειρά άλλοι. Κάποιοι με πιο ευχάριστα και χαμογελαστά και άλλοι με πιο σκληρά και κυνικά προσωπεία, όλοι όμως μέσα στο πνεύμα και την πράξη του ολοκληρωτικού οράματος για την εξάλειψη κάθε αντίστασης απέναντι στην ταξική κυριαρχία. Ας σταθούμε απέναντι τους με τη δύναμη της μνήμης από τις θυσίες μας στην Παρισινή κομμούνα, στο Σικάγο του 1886, στην Ισπανία του 1936, στην Χιλή τον Σεπτέμβρη και στην Ελλάδα τον Νοέμβρη του 1973.

Οι κυρίαρχοι αυτού του κόσμου εξαπολύουν καθημερινά τα χειρότερα των σχεδίων τους. Βιοπολιτικοί έλεγχοι πληθυσμών στα σύνορα και τις γειτονιές, νόμοι έκτακτης ανάγκης, δυνάμεις καταστολής, πλειστηριασμοί κατοικιών, ληστές τζογαδόροι των χρηματιστηρίων χέρι-χέρι με τους διευθυντές των τραπεζικών ομίλων και τις off shore εταιρείες.

Δεν είμαστε εδώ για να τους σταματήσουμε - Είμαστε εδώ για να τους καταστρέψουμε!

Ας θυμηθούμε τον Νοέμβρη του ΄73 όχι σαν την μνήμη μιας γενναίας ήττας. Ας τον θυμηθούμε σαν ένα επιπλέον καύσιμο που θα τροφοδοτήσει την φλόγα της οργής μας ενάντια στα αφεντικά του Παρελθόντος- του Παρόντος και του Μέλλοντος. Το χρέος μας δεν είναι μόνον απέναντι στην ανάμνηση των νεκρών μας. Δεν είναι μόνο προς όλους όσους συντρίβονται καθημερινά στις μυλόπετρες των υλικών και ψυχικών κάτεργων που η εξουσία παράγει σε πλανητικό επίπεδο. Πρώτα από όλα το χρέος μας είναι απέναντι στους ίδιους μας τους εαυτούς.

1973 - 2017 ΑΛΛΕΣ ΟΙ ΧΡΟΝΙΕΣ ΙΔΙΑ ΤΑ ΑΦΕΝΤΙΚΑ

ΌΛΟΙ ΣΤΟ ΔΡΟΜΟ

17 ΝΟΕΜΒΡΗ 2017

ΑΘΗΝΑ
ΠΟΡΕΙΑ, 15:00

Πλατεία Κλαυθμώνος....

ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ
ΠΟΡΕΙΑ
18:00, Πολυτεχνείο

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ΣΥΓΚΕΝΤΡΩΣΗ- ΜΙΚΡΟΦΩΝΙΚΗ
18:30 Πλατεία Ελευθερίας

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aotearoa / pacific islands / history of anarchism / opinion / analysis Wednesday November 15, 2017 11:11 byCopasetic65

On the 11 November 1887 the ‘Haymarket Martyrs’ – August Spies, Albert Parsons, Adolph Fischer & George Engel, all anarchists – were murdered by the state in Chicago. A fifth, 23-year-old Louis Lingg, killed himself in his cell last night, cheating the state executioners.

This is how the Maoriland Worker commented on the anniversary in 1911
.


The Chicago Martyrs.

The Men and Their Message.

There are certain outstanding dates in working-class annals which, on account of their colossal significance, must never, never be overlooked by the workers of the world. It is this feeling—this tumultuous emotion —that with cumulative reverence, leads to the ever-strengthening celebration of events which shine- as livid stars in the sky of history.

May Day, Paris Commune, Francisco Ferrer’s martyrdom, the Communist Manifesto, the execution of the Chicago Anarchists —these are typical international finger-posts of deep interest and import to the proletarians of all countries.

We propose this, week to honour the memory of the Chicago Martyrs —to set aside the ephemeral and deal with the everlasting. Let the worker gain an acquaintance with the red-dyed records of his own class, and nothing transitory shall lure him from the class path nor snare hi in into the capitalistic net.

November 11 is an anniversary to make the blood burn as its retrospect becomes fuel of the future. Twenty-four years ago some heroes of the mighty past were robbed of their lives and’ thus made moulders, of a mightier present —for this day by virtue of its yesterday conquers to-morrow.

Hail to the Chicago Martyrs! They suffered and died for the cause of labor and of liberty—their trial and hanging an outrage upon justice and upon freedom. This, year (as every year since 1887) the men and women of Toil fraternally assemble “to demonstrate how defiantly, and truthfully August Spies foretold; “There will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle to-day.” Immortal words.

Where to commence the story we needs must tell, and how to encompass it in our available space, bothers us —with wealth of matter and matter of weight so abundant. We would like to tell of the beginnings of the Socialist Movement in America, and ofi its foreign origin; of the International! and its “red” and”black”; whip of the echeos in the United States; of the Marx – Bakunine quarrel and of the subsequent separation of Anarchists and Socialists.; with a position clarifying itself in the ’80’s, but still confused. Fascinating it all is. —but that re- ;

Fascinating it all is. —but that reference to the ’80’s may be our starting point, as enabling us to emphasise that Anarchism and Socialism were then thought to be almost the same thing. Thus it was that the Chicago Martyrs called themselves, both Anarchists and Socialists. Though they were tried as these, it is useful to remember that the prosecution nowhere defined either. In 1884 the American Federation of Trades and Labor Councils issued a manifesto proclaiming a general strike, in order to win recognition of the eight-hour day. Finally, it was agreed that the strike take place on May 1, 1886, which year was one of sore conditions and widespread social and industrial unrest. Oppression was rife, discontent general, organisation spreading. The Labor movement was strung to high intensity, noticeably in Chicago. At Chicago on May 1, 1886, 40,000 men struck in fulfilment of the agreement. There had never been such solidarity in the States. Twenty-five thousand men held a mass meeting, at which Spies, Parsons, Fielden and Schwab spoke. Excitement ran high, especially as the employers had also linked-up and were trying to smash the workers’ organisation. One of these employers, named McCormick, locked-out the men from his reaper works on May 2. At a meeting on the same day to protest against McCormick’s use of Pinkertons, Parsons and Schwab spoke. On May 3 the lumber-shovers held a meeting near McCormick’s, with Spies the chief speaker. At 4 in the afternoon the “scabs” were observed leaving McCormick’s. Stones were thrown, police sent for, revolvers used, and men, women and children fled in terror, leaving four dead and many wounded. In the evening Spies wrote and issued ‘his famed “Revenge Circular.” Next, the most fateful of the meetings—the eventful Haymarket meeting, held on the evening of May 4, and addressed by Spies, Parsons and Fielden. It was a quiet and peaceful meeting, witnessed by the Mayor, until at a late hour 180 police wantonly attempted to disperse it, when, in retaliation, a bomb was thrown by some person unknown, killing M. J. Degan, a policeman, instantly and wounding 60 (seven of whom died). What followed can be imagined. Hue and cry everywhere. Labor agitators’ hunted and imprisoned. Workers’ papers (including “Alarm” and “Arbeiter Zeitung”) suppressed. Workers’ meetings broken up and prohibited. Awful alarmist stories circulated of plots and conspiracies against law and order. Capitalist press calling for summary hanging of workers’ leaders. Some employers met secretly and formed the Citizens Association and in a few hours subscribed one hundred ‘ thousand dollars “to destroy Anarchy.”

On May 17 the Grand Jury indicted Engel, Fielden, Fischer, Lingg, Neebe, Parsons, Spies, Schwab, Schnaubelt, and Seliger for the murder of M. J. Degan. Seliger turned informer, Schnaubelt escaped. On June 21 the jury was empanelled (it took 22 days), but upon it there was not one member of the working-class. A prolonged trial, during which were ‘ delivered those memorable speeches now historical’, resulted in Neebe being sentenced to 15 years’ imprisonment and the rest to be hanged. The case was carried to the Supreme Court in the following year, and there affirmed. Qtt No^esi*-

On November 10, 1887, Lingg suicided, and the sentences on Schwab and Fielden were commuted to imprisonment for life. On November 11 Parsons, Engel, Fischer and Spies were hanged. In 1893, six years afterwards, the three men in jail were pardoned by Governor Altgeld, whose “argument” is a notable document and a severe, impeachment of jury, police and Judge Gary.

Such in bald outline is the story of the Chicago Martyrs. Its steps and its stages make a drama of intense human interest, a tragedy in working-class agitation, education, and organisation. No people’s story is fuller of vein-swelling, nerves-racking developments. The events prior to 1884 and from 1884 to 1888, the wondrous general strike and its motive, the trials of 1886 and 1887 and their bloody sacrifce, the agitation begetting Governor Altgeld’s inquiry, the evidence of the inquiry, the work of Lucy Parsons after the martyrdoms and, again, the character, and labors of the martyrs, their speeches and their writings, the men and methods of the prosecution, the informers, and the literature growing out of the whole—each and all provides scope for many articles.

We pass on to mention that John P. Altgeld, Governor of Illinois, advanced the theory that the fatal bomb was thrown in revenge, and said: “Judge Gary’s statement that ‘it is probably, true that Rudolph Schnaubelt threw the bomb’ is a mere surmise and is all that is known about it, and is certainly not sufficient to convict eight men on. In fact, until the State proves from whose hands, the bomb came, itis impossible to show any connection between the man who threw it and these defendants. Altgeld’s review of the trial is a damning document. It scathingly refers to the prejudice of the judge and the bias of the packed jury selected by a bailiff who had boasted that the men on trial would “swing.” Police methods and the extraordinary partisan conduct of high officials are alike exposed.

But nowadays quite a host of periodicals, pamphlets and books conclusively prove that the martyrs were innocent of crime, and were hounded to death because rebels for righteousness and passionate for working-class rights. We are inclined to agree with the view that the bomb-throwing was the work of a Pinkerton. The Colorado conspiracy is fresh in our memory. Debs remembered 1887 when, twenty years later, he penned his, glowing “Arouse, ye Slaves!” and cried to the taskmasters.: “You shed the blood of our champions twenty years ago. If you proceed to kill Moyer, Hhaywood, and Pettibone, we will meet you—and we will come with guns in our hands.”

Bearing, in mind ,that of the eight men sentenced, three fortuitously escaped the gallows, one suicided and four were hanged, let us glance at them biographically -in alphabetical order: —

GEORGE ENGEL was a German, born in 1856. His father died when George was 18 months old, and his mother when he was 12 years. Painter by trade. Went to America in 1873, and in Philadelphia, witnessing the militia suppressing strikers, turned his thoughts to the Labor question. Joined the International Working Peope’s Association. Judicially murdered in 1887.

SAMUEL FIELDEN was an Englishman, born in Lancashire in 1847. He lost his mother at 10 years old and his father at 19. Worked at factory. Said: “I think if the devil has a particular enemy whom he wishes to unmercifully torture the best thing for him to do would be to put his soul into the body of a Lancashire factory child.” Sentenced in 1887, he was pardoned in 1903. Known as “Good-natured” Fielden.

ADOLPH FISCHER, German, went to America at the age of 15, and learnt the printing. He was employed in the office of “Arbeiter Zeitung.” Murdered in 1887.

LOUIS LINGG, German, born in 1864. Carpenter. Travelled in Switzerland, and became converted to Socialism. Went to America in 1885, and was appointed organiser for the Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners. Suicided in jail on the day before his intended execution.

OSCAR NEEBE, an American of German parentage, born in Philadelphia in 1850, Well-to-do business man of anarchistic sympathies. Sentenced in 1887, pardoned in 1903.

ALBERT PARSONS, an American, born 1848. Father a manufacturer, and philanthropist. Lost his parents, before he reached five. and was educated by General Parsons. Learnt printing. Served in the Civil War, made name as press correspondent; In 1876 joined working-men’s, party and became, a trusted leader. Joined Knights, of Labor. Nominated by S.L.P. for Presidency of United States, but declinedthe honour. In 1884 founded “The Alarm,” organ of the International. Murdered 1887.

MICHEL SCHWAB, German, born 1853. Bookbinder by trade. Left orphan at 12. Joined S.L.P. In 1879 emigrated to U.S.A. Assistant editor of “Arbeiter Zeitung.” Pardoned.

AUGUST SPIES, German, born 1855. In America, in 1871. In 1880 becamei editor of “Arbeiter Zeitung,” and acquired great influence. Murdered in 1887.

The sayings and the doings of this illustrious band of men give skilful and striking testimony of the mental power and physical courage which comes of earnest participation in the proletarian movement for social justice. We hope some day to give a Character Sketch of each fighter for freedom. Turn we now to their wonderful speeches, delivered on October 7, 8, and 9, 1886, when asked if they had anything to say why sentence of death should not be passed upon them.. Their speeches run into a goodly-sized volume (published at Is.) and prove themselves great utterances of men of knowledge and blazing reason. Parsons’ is the! longest, and occupied eight hours (running into two days) in delivery. It is a brilliant historical survey and economic exposition. We quote:—

“You ask me why sentence of death should not, be pronounced upon me, or, what is tantamount to the same thing, you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that I might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be subserved. I answer you and say that this verdict is the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and is the sum totality of the organised passion of the city of Chicago. I hold that you cannot dispute the charge which I make, that this trial has been submerged, immersed in passion from its inception to its close, and even to this hour, standing hero upon the scaffold as I do, with the hangman awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to represent public sentiment “in this city, and I now speak of the capitalistic press— that vile and infamous organ of monopoly of hired liars, the people’s oppressor—even to this day these papers standing where I do, with my, seven condemned colleagues, are clamouring for our blood in the beat and violence of passion. Can it be any longer denied that there is such a’ thing as the Labor question?’ I am an anarchist! Now strike; but hear me before you strike. What is Socialism or anarchism? Briefly it is the right of the toiler to the free and equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the to their product. That is Socialism.. The history of mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and revolutionary. The dividing line between evolution and revolution, or that imperceptible boundary line where one begins an the other ends can never be designated. Who believed at the time that our fathesrs tossed the tea into Boston harbour that it meant the first revolt of the revolution separating this continent from the dominion of George III.? Evolution and revolution are synonymous. Evolution: is the incubatory state of revolution! The birth is the revolution —its process the evolution. . . Seven men are to be exterminated because they demand the right of free speech and exercise it. Seven men by this court of law are to be put to death because they claim the right of self-defence.; Do you think, gentlemen of the prosecution, that you will have settled the case when you are carrying my lifeless bones to the potter’s field? Do you think that this trial, will be settled by my strangulation and that of my colleagues? I tell you that there is a greater verdict yet to be heard.”

Spies thus concluded: “Now, these are my ideas. They constitute a part, of myself. I cannot divest myself of them, nor would I, if I could. And if you think you can crush out these ideas that are gaining ground more and more every day, if you think you can crush them out by sending us to the gallows- if you would once more have people suffer the penalty of death because they have dared to tell the truth—and I defy you to show us where we have told, a lie—l say if death is the penalty for proclaiming the truth, then I will proudly and defiantly pay the costly price. Call your hangman! Truth sacrificed in Socrates, in Christ, in Bruno, in Huss, in Galileo, still lives —they and others whose number is legion have preceded us on this path. We are ready to follow.” Schwab said: “To term the proceedings during this trial, “justice” would be a sneer. Justice has not been done—more than this, could not be done. If one class is arrayed against the other, it is idle and hypocritical to think about justice. Anarchy was on trial, as the State’s attorney put it in his closing speech; a doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force, hostile to our present murderous system of production and distribution. . . . We contend for communism and anarchy—why? If we had kept silent, stones would have cried out. Murder was committed day, by day. Children were slain, women worked to death, men killed inch by inch, and these crimes are never punished by law. The great principle underlying the present system is unpaid labor. . . It seems to me that most violent speakers are not to be found in the ranks of the anarchists. Neebe said: “There is no evidence to show that I was connected with the bomb-throwing, or that I was near it, or anything of that kind. So l am only sorry your honour—-that is, if you can stop it or help it—l will ask you to do it —that is, to hang me, too, for I think it is more honorable to die suddenly than to be killed by inches. I have a family and children and if they know their father is dead, they will bury him. They can go to the grave, and. kneel down by the side of it; but they can’t’ go to the penitentiary and see their father, who was convicted for a crime that he has’nt had anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your honour, I am sorry I am not to be hung with the rest of the men.”

Fischer said: “I protest against my being sentenced to death, because I have committed no crime. I was tried – here in this room for murder and I was convicted of anarchy. But, however, if I am to die on account of my being an anarchist, on account of my love for liberty, fraternity and equality, then I will not remonstrate. If death is the penalty for our love of the freedom of the human race then I say openly I have forfeited my life. . . I publicly denounce Mr. Grennell, the State’s attorney, for his array of false witnesses, as being a murderer and an assassin if I should be executed. . . An anarchist is always ready to die for his principles. You will find it impossible to kill a principle, although you may take the life of men who confess these principles.” Lingg Said: “The fact is that at every attempt to wield the ballot, at every attempt to combine the effort of working-men, you have displayed the brutal violence of the police club, and this is why I have recommended rude force, to combat the ruder force of the police. . . . I repeat that I am the enemy of the “order” of the day, and I repeat that, with all my powers, so long as breath remains in me, I shall combat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am in favour of using force. I have told Captain Schaaek, and I stand by it: ‘If you cannonade us, we shall dynamite you.’ ” Engel said: “My discoveries brought to me the knowledge that the same societary evils exist here that exist in Germany. This, is the explanation of what induced me to study the social, question, to become a Socialist. . . . I came to the opinion that as long as are working-men are economically enslaved they cannot be politically free. It ‘clear to me that the Working would never bring about a form of society guaranteeing work, bread and a happy life by means of the ballot. … Nor do I deny that I too have spoken at meetings saying that if every working-man had a bomb in his pocket capitalistic rule would soon come to an end. … I hate and combat not the individual capitalist, but the system that gives him those privileges. My greatest wish is that working-men may recognise who are their friends and who are their enemies. As to my conviction., brought about as it was, through capitalistic influence, I have not one word to say.”

Fielden said: “I learned then to hate slavery. I learned to hate kings and queens. I was a republican though I was born in a monarchy. There are some men who never grow out of their environments. … I have advocated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and for that and no other reason am I here, and is sentence of death to be pronounced upon me. What is Socialism? Taking somebody else’s property? That is what Socialism is in the common acceptation of the term. No; but if I were to answer it as shortly as it is answered by its enemies, I would say it is preventing somebody else from takng your property. We claim that we are convicted not because we have committed murder. We are convicted because we were very energetic in advocacy of the rights of Labor.”

One of the blackest pages in the persecution of the foregoing heroes is the one revealing how Mrs. Parsons was debarred from seeing her husband before his death. Parsons was singing “Annie Laurie” when Mrs. Parsons, the evening before the execution, went to the jail to plead for a last sad interview. She was denied an entrance, but told to come next morning. With children and a friend she called next morning. All were hustled into a wagon, insulted with cheap indignities, taken to dark and dirty stone cells, stripped to the skin and searched and kept imprisoned for the day without being offered even a cup of water! At 3 o’clock Mrs. Parsons and her children, and also Lizzie M. Holmes, were allowed to leave the vile lock-up. No marvel, is it, that Mrs. Parsons afterwards led that upheaving agitation which let the people of the world know the truth about the martyrdoms? In his speech from the dock Neebe testified of other outrage as follows: — “I have been in the Labor movement since 1865. I have seen how the police have trodden on the Constitution of this country and crushed the Labor organisations. . . . Mrs. Holmes and Mrs. Parsons were sitting writing in the “Zeitung” office*, when a man whom you could see was a noble democratic officer rushed in and said: ‘What are you doing here?’ Mrs. Holmes is a lady in my eyes, and she said: ‘I am corresponding with my brother. He is the editor of a Labor paper.’ As she said that the officer snatched at the lady, and she protested as an American woman. And as she protested, he said, ‘Shut up, you bitch, or I will knock you down.’ . . . Mrs. Parsons was called the same name by the officers. They called her a black bitch, and wanted to knock her down.” Lest we forget!! It is a relief to turn to Captain Black’s oration, delivered when the caskets containing the remains of the executed were transferred to the Waldheim. Cried he, thrillingly: “This is practical fraternity” (and) pointing to the caskets) “This it is to take up the cause for others. This it is to study the welfare of the poor and oppressed rather than one’s own advantage and profit.” We end with the death-agony defeated. As the four forces mounted the scaffold on their last day they were brave and defiant members of the working-class army. As the caps and nooses were being adjusted Spies cried, “There will come a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle to-day.” Fischer called out, “This is the happiest moment of my life.” Engel shouted, “Hurrah for Anarchy!-” Parsons, asked, “Will I be allowed, to speak, O men of ‘America? Let tme speak, sheriff—let the voice of the people be heard. Oh—-The trap had fallen. These men were triumphant orators. They knew how to die. They learned in suffering what we sing in song. Yes, the article for to-morrow is this, the review for to-morrow is “The Bomb,” the oration for to-morrow is Debs. A tear for the innocent dead, a curse for the System whose crimes are endless —then

Hurrah! hurrah! in Freedom’s van are we,

Hurrah! hurrah; we march to Liberty,

To the cities of the Commune, and the glorious time to be,

Carrying the Red Flag to victory.

(transcribed from the original-spelling and grammar mistakes have been left in)

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MW19111110....2.25

aotearoa / pacific islands / community struggles / opinion / analysis Wednesday November 15, 2017 11:06 byAWSM

This brief article advocates a return to traditional values of solidarity and direct action to tackle the housing crisis in Aotearoa.

In the recent election, the issue of homelessness and the availability of affordable housing, were prominent issues. The new government has its own ideas about how to deal with this. They are motivated in part by a xenophobic approach to ‘foreign speculators’ snapping up properties and an ideological commitment to working with ‘social partners’ including the private construction companies and employers. Before just resigning ourselves to this approach, it’s worth remembering that the problem of housing is not a new one in this country and that other methods exist for dealing with it.

There is a tendency on the wider Left, here and internationally to run from the idea of ‘traditional values’. The latter is an expression owned by the Right and most of their opponents have been content with that. Perhaps a better approach is to ask the question…which traditional values? Once upon a time, working people had ready access and inclination to use a range of techniques they had developed themselves to deal with social and economic problems. One of these was direct action, whereby people dealt with things themselves rather than looking to outside authorities to seek remedies. Of course, success was not always possible or long lasting but in today’s environment, it’s worth remembering that self-empowerment by working people could have positive results. Here is an historical example of direct action as applied to housing in Aotearoa during the early 1930’s:

In Auckland an Anti-Eviction League was formed, whose members occupied and barricaded houses under threat of eviction, rallied neighbours for support, and prevented the bailiffs gaining access. In a number of cases these tactics were successful in saving a family’s home, or at least gaining a respite. The climax of the campaign came in October 1931 at 21 Norfolk Street, Ponsonby, where 15 armed defenders faced the combined strength of police and bailiffs.

The tenant of this house was a woman with five young children, who had been deserted by her unemployed husband. After the rent had remained unpaid for 11 weeks, the landlord obtained an eviction order, but members of the Anti-Eviction League took over the house, nailed down the windows, and tied banners to the verandah posts reading ‘No work, No Rent’ and ‘Stop the Evictions’. A red flag was hoisted from the roof.

After some preliminary skirmishes with the bailiffs, a strong force of police arrived on the scene. Using crowbars they broke down the front door and arrested the occupants who surrendered their homemade weapons: wooden batons, iron bars and lengths of piping. The bailiffs then entered and moved all the family’s furniture into the street. A crowd of up to 500, who had booed the police and cheered the anti-evictionists, now took up a collection for the mother and her young children. ‘Never mind, we’re not beaten yet’, she called out when a woman from Ponsonby Road offered her a temporary home
” (From: Toil & Trouble, Roth/Hammond (Auckland, 1981, p. 120)


The use of this old technique of direct action and a return to the traditional value of solidarity amongst those of us at the bottom, is something just as valid today.

Also See:
https://www.stuff.co.nz/auckland/97942772/bailiffs-to-c...using
https://www.facebook.com/THISHOMEISOCCUPIED/

internacional / economia / opinião / análise Wednesday November 15, 2017 07:37 byBrunoL

Vemos como essencial interpretar o conceito de imperialismo globalizado e financeiro. Este se manifesta desde formas mais grosseiras, como uma invasão militar, até o objeto de estudo o qual este texto se vincula, as relações complementares e subordinadas de Transnacionais (TNCs), paraísos fiscais, capital financeiro como forma de acumulação selvagem contemporânea, endividamento securitizado de populações inteiras e a existência de uma soma nefasta de elites orgânicas agindo através de portas giratórias em escala nacional e transnacional, a serviço e se locupletando da versão atual do neoliberalismo.


Traçando uma definição de imperialismo na etapa do capitalismo global e financeiro pós-2008

Novembro de 2017, Bruno Lima Rocha

Venho trabalhando com o tema da globalização financeira desde agosto de 2008, no auge da “crise”- ao qual denomino farsa com nome de crise – originada pela bolha imobiliária dos EUA e a consequente liquidação de hipotecas sem lastro. A etapa anterior desta pesquisa foi materializada no livro “Desvelando a farsa com nome de crise” (Bruno Lima Rocha/Ânderson Santos, Ver: encurtador.com.br/abPVX). Vale recordar que a de 2008 não foi a primeira “crise” da era pós Guerra Fria embora tenha sido aquela a afetar o planeta após os ataques de 11 de setembro de 2001. A partir daquele momento, decidi dedicar parte do esforço analítico para conectar algumas variáveis fundamentais para a escala de dominação planetária deste mundo pós-2008.

É preciso caracterizar a ação do imperialismo no século XXI tanto nas chamadas “revoluções coloridas” como em seus efeitos subsequentes, com a internacionalização de empresas nacionais, a cessão de patrimônio coletivo e a exploração desenfreada de recursos naturais não renováveis. A meta permanente é a financeirização das economias subordinando a vontade soberana de sociedades concretas. Nesta ação conjunta e combinada, a opinião pública é atingida de forma estrutural. A capilaridade da internet e manipulação de Big Data pelos provedores estadunidenses implicam na frágil soberania das sociedades civis latino-americanas.

Uma variável de fundamento é o conceito de imperialismo e a necessidade de sua revisão. Estando na América Latina e lecionando na ciência política e nas relações internacionais, automaticamente nos colocamos em uma posição polarizada quanto aos Estados Unidos e as capacidades de projetar outras inserções no Sistema Internacional distantes do eixo anglo-saxão e da Europa unificada. Ao mesmo tempo, a noção realista nos faz evitar qualquer adesão às posições da Rússia, Índia e menos ainda da China. Para nosso caso, observando as relações assimétricas de poder global a partir do Brasil como país líder continental, é possível manobrar dentro de um guarda chuva dos BRICS, mas reconhecendo a existência de um imperialismo chinês em escala global e projeções afins dentro e fora da Eurásia para estas três potências.

Com todas estas ressalvas, vemos como essencial interpretar o conceito de imperialismo globalizado e financeiro. Este se manifesta desde formas mais grosseiras, como uma invasão militar, até o objeto de estudo o qual este texto se vincula, as relações complementares e subordinadas de Transnacionais (TNCs), paraísos fiscais, capital financeiro como forma de acumulação selvagem contemporânea, endividamento securitizado de populações inteiras e a existência de uma soma nefasta de elites orgânicas agindo através de portas giratórias em escala nacional e transnacional, a serviço e se locupletando da versão atual do neoliberalismo.

Tal sistema de dominação opera através de uma dimensão complementar de inteligência e espionagem eletrônica – e a quebra de sinais, sigint -, o aval jurídico-político e por que não ideológico de mídia especializada (como o papel do “jornalismo” econômico), das agências de análise de “risco”, das recomendações dos organismos ainda originários de Bretton Woods (como o FMI e o Grupo Banco Mundial), dos operadores “nacionais” vinculados aos volumosos e pouco ou nada regulados fundos de tipo hedge e o conjunto de instrumentos de acumulação através do chamado shadow banking. Na ponta, agindo em cada sociedade concreta, observamos a internalização de interesses externos (imperialistas) como nos acordos de Cooperação Jurídica Internacional, os institutos e think tanks da “nova” direita (que se alastram como metástase na América Latina), a captura das instituições do Estado capitalista – diminuindo a pouca margem da democracia de massas – e ampliando tanto os espaços de mercado – marketização –, como a privatização de recursos, empresas e patrimônios coletivos (como as reservas de recursos naturais) e a constante pressão da maior parte do topo da pirâmide de nossas sociedades em serem absorvidas como sócias minoritárias da distopia do capitalismo global com “liberdade e eficiência” de mercado.

Na dimensão da meta permanente, o modus operandi em escala mundo, vemos a concentração cada vez maior de TNCs – dentre estas incluem conglomerados chineses, russos, indianos e até há pouco tempo atrás, brasileiros – cuja capacidade de interconexão é inversamente proporcional à preservação dos recursos não renováveis do planeta e os biomas. A internacionalização de cadeias secundárias de suprimentos, a interdependência subordinada de mercados inteiros e sociedades concretas – como na venda no mercado futuro de safras agrícolas e a dolarização de produtos primários – e uma produção científica piramidal onde a circulação de pesquisa cientifica é também inversamente proporcional ao segredo industrial e a capacidade de pesquisa e desenvolvimento com conteúdos nacionais definem um planeta onde os conglomerados de capitais cruzados e controle acionário múltiplo, mas subordinado a centros decisórios externos, aumentam as fragilidades de cada país e fazem da soberania decisória uma meta cada vez mais distante.

Este conjunto complexo tem na acumulação selvagem de riqueza através de compromissos de resgate – títulos, papéis, instrumentos financeiros – e depósitos ultramarinos um autêntico cassino global protegido por legislação específica em territórios com jurisdições especiais. São beneficiários deste mecanismo tanto indivíduos como empresas, podendo ser considerado o depósito em “paraísos” a forma contemporânea de enriquecimento. Os valores que acumulam nestas jurisdições evadem tanto do fisco de países – e por tanto não se transformam em políticas públicas ou financiamento do aparelho de Estado – como tampouco aumentam a renda média das sociedades. É justamente o contrário. O modelo de acumulação financeira e a ação do imperialismo em sua etapa de globalização pós-2008 vê o aumento de circulação da “indústria financeira” não regulada, fazendo com que a riqueza não seja sequer oriunda especificamente de exploração de mão de obra e extração de mais valia. O capitalismo atual já não necessita gerar um volume de trabalho vivo e de emprego direto volumoso e sim subordinar as sociedades para fins privados em nome do “crescimento” de alguns setores ou da “estabilidade”.

A ausência de trabalho vivo e o sequestro da capacidade extrativa dos Estados aumenta a lacuna de representação e a captura dos bens coletivos pelos entes privados, sendo que seus representantes estão dentro e fora dos governos de turno e das tecnocracias de carreira. Como se observa, a complexidade do imperialismo contemporâneo nos obriga a desafios teóricos e organizativos de vulto.


Bruno Lima Rocha é professor de ciência política e de relações internacionais / (www.estrategiaeanalise.com.br para textos e colunas de áudio / estrategiaeanaliseblog.com para vídeos e entrevistas / blimarocha@gmail.com para E-mail e Facebook)

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textFace à la situation en Catalogne Nov 08 01:13 by Several Organizations 0 comments

sebokengphoto0042.jpg imageThe Cheap Politics that Destroy Our Communities Nov 07 23:24 by Nonzukizo Mute 0 comments

anarchistbanneratantiprivatisationforummarchjohannesburgca2007.jpg imageThe Way Forward for South Africa Nov 07 23:19 by Nkululeko Khubisa 0 comments

powertotheworkers.jpg imageHail the October Revolution Nov 07 16:22 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

.jpg imageΠιοτρ Κροπότκιν, ... Nov 07 15:49 by ΕΠΙΜΕΛΕΙΑ: ΔΗΜΗΤΡΗΣ ΤΡΩΑΔΙΤΗΣ 0 comments

textNella battaglia dell'acciao GENOVA protagonista contro i LICENZIAMENTI! Nov 07 15:17 by Alternativa Libertaria /fdca 0 comments

textStuck in a Rut Nov 07 10:45 by Pink Panther 0 comments

textBrasile - Giù le mani dal movimento anarchico! Solidarietà con la FAG e gli anarchici bras... Nov 06 18:26 by Anarkismo Organizations - Anarkismo Network 0 comments

textBas les pattes du mouvement anarchiste ! Solidarité avec la FAG et les anarchistes au Brés... Nov 05 22:33 by Anarkismo Organizations 0 comments

fag_demo.jpg imageHands off the anarchist movement ! Solidarity with the FAG and the anarchists in Brazil ! Nov 05 21:41 by Anarkismo Organizations 1 comments

cnt.jpg imageCatalogna: “Non è solo questione di ridisegnare un confine” Nov 05 01:22 by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. 0 comments

fe2c81936cc3d6fe91420254b7e4543f.jpg imageΑνακοίνωση CGT, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera Nov 04 17:25 by CGT, CNT, Solidaridad Obrera 0 comments

textNuova Zelanda, Wellington: manifestazione antinazista Nov 04 00:40 by Barrie 0 comments

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