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Ελλάδα / Τουρκία / Κύπρος / Λαϊκοί Αγώνες / Ανακοίνωση Τύπου Wednesday June 19, 2019 22:29 byΑναρχικό Στέκι Φιλοσοφικής

Εν’ όψει των εκλογών, προτάσσουμε την όσο πιο ευρεία αποχή. Γιατί οι λύσεις στα φλέγοντα ζητήματα που αφορούν τις ζωές μας, δεν βρίσκονται στα ψηφοδέλτια. Τις πραγματικές διεξόδους θα τις βρούμε στους συλλογικούς αγώνες, στις μικρές και μεγάλες μάχες. Καμία νομιμοποίηση στους κομματικούς δυνάστες, καμία ψήφο στους εκφραστές της κρατικής και καπιταλιστικής βαρβαρότητας, ότι χρώμα και ότι προσωπείο και αν έχουν. Η συμμετοχή στις εκλογές δεν είναι συμμετοχή στα “κοινά”. Είναι ανάθεση των υποθέσεων μας, είναι συναίνεση στα σχέδια υποβάθμισης των ζωών μας.

Να αψηφίσουμε τις εκλογές - Καμιά νομιμοποίηση του συστήματος

Μετά το αποτέλεσμα των ευρωεκλογών και την συντριπτική της ήττα, η κυβέρνηση του σύριζα ανακοίνωσε την διεξαγωγή πρόωρων κοινοβουλευτικών εκλογών υπό το βάρος της κοινωνικής απονομιμοποίησης. Με τελική ημερομηνία την 7η Ιουλίου, το κόμμα της “ελπίδας” θα αναμετρηθεί με το κόμμα της “τάξης”, σε μια εκλογική μονομαχία που θα καθορίσει τις νέες συνταγές διαχείρισης του οικονομικού και πολιτικού συστήματος. Τα διακυβεύματα της κάλπης θα είναι πολλά και θα πολλαπλασιαστούν μέσα σε ένα καλλιεργούμενο περιβάλλον τεχνητής πόλωσης, το οποίο θα οξύνεται όλο και περισσότερο όσο θα πλησιάζει η μέρα των εκλογών. Τα κατασκευασμένα διλήμματα, οι κοινωνικοί εκβιασμοί και το προμοτάρισμα της μίας ή της άλλης πολιτικής γραμμής θα βομβαρδίσουν τις συνειδήσεις μέσα από τους τηλεοπτικούς δέκτες, τον τύπο, τα ραδιόφωνα, το διαδίκτυο, θα τροφοδοτηθούν από τα χρηματοδοτούμενα εκλογικά κέντρα και θα εκφραστούν με περίσσια αυτοπεποίθηση και κομματικό φανατισμό στους απλούς, καθημερινούς, κοινωνικούς διαλόγους μεταξύ των υπερασπιστών του ενός ή του άλλου κόμματος.

Από την υπογραφή της 3ης δανειακής σύμβασης το καλοκαίρι του 2015 και την επέκταση των μνημονιακών προγραμμάτων, η πολιτική χρεωκοπία της αριστεράς του κεφαλαίου ήταν προδιαγεγραμμένη. Η κατάρρευση του σύριζα σφραγίστηκε με την ψήφιση των πιο σκληρών μέτρων κοινωνικής αφαίμαξης στο πλαίσιο των αξιολογήσεων του χρέους, με τα μνημόνια διαρκείας, τους στόχους των υψηλών πλεονασμάτων, την δημιουργία του αυτόματου κόφτη δημοσιονομικής προσαρμογής ο οποίος διασφαλίζει πως οι αποκλείσεις από τα δημοσιονομικά ζητούμενα θα αντιμετωπίζονται με επιπρόσθετα προσαρμοστικά μέτρα και ανεξαρτήτου πολιτικής βούλησης, να αφήνουν μια εγκληματική παρακαταθήκη. Μια παρακαταθήκη που δεσμεύει μια ολόκληρη κοινωνία σε περαιτέρω ταξική υποτίμηση, γιατί τα μνημόνια θα έχουν συνέχεια είτε βρίσκεται σε ισχύ κάποιο πρόγραμμα είτε όχι.

Η έξοδος από την κρίση και το τέλος των μνημονίων είναι ο μεγαλύτερος πολιτικός μύθος της απερχόμενης κυβέρνησης. Η λήξη των δανειακών συμβάσεων σηματοδοτεί πρόσκαιρα τον τερματισμό της παροχής ρευστότητας των εγχώριων εξουσιαστών και εγκαινιάζει μία νέα συνθήκη όπου τα μνημόνια θα εφαρμόζονται και θα απομυζούν την κοινωνική βάση χωρίς την παράλληλη οικονομική ενίσχυση από τους δανειστές. Η παύση του δανεισμού και η μετέπειτα έξοδος στις αγορές ήταν μόνο η τεχνητή αναθέρμανση της εμπιστοσύνης των διεθνών αγορών προς τα ελληνικά ομόλογα, ένα κερδοσκοπικό success story με την αρωγή κατευθυνόμενων οίκων πιστοληπτικής αξιολόγησης που κατά παραγγελία “τόνωσαν” την αυτοπεποίθηση των επενδυτών και των κεφαλαίων αντισταθμιστικού κινδύνου, των λεγόμενων heads funds, στην αγορά χρέους. Η έκδοση του ομολόγου και ο δανεισμός των κεφαλαιαγορών δεν πιστοποίησαν την βελτίωση της οικονομίας, αντίθετα η αγορά ελληνικού χρέους είναι μια απόδειξή ότι η καπιταλιστική κρίση βαθαίνει. Βεβαιώνει ότι τα συσσωρευμένα στην χρηματοπιστωτική σφαίρα κεφάλαια αδυνατούν να βρουν άλλες κερδοφόρες επενδυτικές διεξόδους και στρέφονται μαζικά στην αγορά χάρτινων τίτλων-σκουπιδιών από χρεοκοπημένες οικονομίες με στόχο μια άμεση μεταπώληση και ένα γρήγορο κέρδος. Γιατί, αναμφίβολα, οι “επενδυτές” γνωρίζουν την τοξικότητα αυτών των ομολόγων, γνωρίζουν πως αν δεν τα ξεφορτωθούν σύντομα, θα τους μείνουν στα χέρια.

Επιπροσθέτως, η “ευημερία των αριθμών” για την οποία θριαμβολογεί ο σύριζα δεν αποτελεί εγγύηση πραγματικής καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης, αφού το 80% της “ανάπτυξης¨ προέρχεται από την φοροληστεία και βέβαια τα πλεονάσματα από τα οποία χορηγήθηκαν οι πρόσφατες ψευδοπαροχές προήλθαν από τον υπερβάλλοντα ζήλο της κυβέρνησης να υφαρπάξει βίαια επιπλέον κοινωνικό πλούτο, κόντρα μάλιστα και στις απαιτήσεις των ίδιων των δανειστών που οι εισηγήσεις τους ήταν καθαρά εισπρακτικού χαρακτήρα. Η αναιμική ανάπτυξη που παρουσιάζει το ελληνικό κράτος ισοδυναμεί με αγκύλωση στην στασιμοχρεωκοπία. Το δημόσιο χρέος ανέβηκε κατά 335 δις, ένα εντυπωσιακό (σχεδόν) 200% του αεπ. Είναι σαφές, ότι το χρέος καθίσταται μη βιώσιμο και διαρκώς θα διευρύνεται, την ώρα που η αποπληρωμή του αποτελεί πάγια δέσμευση από το πρώτο ακόμα μνημόνιο και δεν μπορεί να επέλθει. Οι πολιτικές των τελευταίων χρόνων όχι μόνο δεν περιόρισαν το πρόβλημα της κρίσης χρέους, αλλά μετακύλησαν την μεγαλύτερη έκρηξη της στο μέλλον. Οι πολιτικές κοινωνικής ισοπέδωσης είναι στην πραγματικότητα το όχημα μεταβίβασης της κρίσης από το καπιταλιστικό σύστημα στην εργατική τάξη. Και τα “αντίδοτα” στην κρίση ασφαλώς δεν αποτέλεσαν φάρμακο, παρά μόνο μετατόπισαν τα βάρη της κρίσης στους φτωχούς και τους αδύναμους.

Η σωτηρία της “ελληνικής οικονομίας” ήταν και είναι ταυτόχρονα ένα στοίχημα για την ίδια την ευρωζώνη. Η ευρωζώνη δεν φαίνεται προετοιμασμένη για την έξοδο της Ελλάδας από την νομισματική ένωση, διαφορετικά θα είχε ήδη δρομολογηθεί προκειμένου να αποφευχθούν τα προερχόμενα από τους κρατικούς υπολογισμούς πακέτα στήριξης που ουδέποτε θα επιστραφούν. Όμως μια ενδεχόμενη έξοδος υπό την υπάρχουσα δομή της ευρωζώνης θα δημιουργούσε αναταραχές, αποσταθεροποίηση, θα οδηγούσε σε εκτεταμένη φυγή κεφαλαίου.

Απ’ την πλευρά μας είναι ξεκάθαρο πως είτε η παραμονή στην ευρωπαϊκή ένωση και την ζώνη του ευρώ, είτε μια έξοδος σαν αυτή που οραματίζονται τόσο οι φασίστες ευρωσκεπτικιστές, όσο και ορισμένοι αριστεροί πυλώνες του συστήματος, με μετάβαση δηλαδή σε υποτιμημένο εθνικό νόμισμα και επιστροφή στην “εθνική οικονομία” ή με το πέρασμα σε μια “σοσιαλιστική οικονομία” είναι η άλλη όψη του ίδιου (κυριολεκτικά) νομίσματος. Είμαστε πολέμιοι και των δυο συνταγών, γιατί είμαστε εχθροί του καπιταλισμού και του κράτους σε κάθε μορφή τους. Αυτό που προτάσσουν οι ευρωσκεπτικιστές είναι καταδικασμένο να αποτύχει. Το μοντέλο της εθνικά καθορισμένης οικονομίας, του κρατικού παρεμβατισμού και του εθνικού νομίσματος είναι ασύμβατο με την σημερινή εποχή, όπου κάθε λειτουργία του συστήματος βρίσκεται σε παγκόσμια αλληλεξάρτηση. Επιπλέον, η θωράκιση των δανειστών στο αγγλοσαξωνικό δίκαιο στην περίπτωση του ελληνικού χρέους, διασφαλίζει την δεσμευτικότητα της αποπληρωμής και σε ενδεχόμενο αλλαγής νομίσματος.

Στα 4 χρόνια που ο σύριζα βρέθηκε στην εξουσία επιβεβαιώθηκε πόσο ανεδαφική ήταν η προώθηση κενσυανικών πολιτικών μεταρρυθμίσεων μέσα σε ένα παγκοσμιοποιημένο περιβάλλον που ολοένα συγκλίνει προς την νεοφιλελεύθερη γραμμή, πόσο ανεφάρμοστα είναι τα εργαλεία διαχείρισης της κρίσης που επιτάσσουν τα μοντέλα κρατικού παρεμβατισμού στο σημερινό πλαίσιο των διεθνοποιημένων αγορών και του υπερεθνικού εμπορίου, πόσο καταδικασμένη να πτωχεύσει είναι η ρητορική της “ελάφρυνσης των αδυνάτων” με την ταυτόχρονη αποδοχή της ύπαρξης και αποπληρωμής του χρέους, της συμβάδισης με τις πολιτικές της ευρωπαϊκής ένωσης, της αποδοχής του καπιταλιστικού συστήματος εν γένει. Ο σύριζα σαφώς και δεν έκανε “κολωτούμπα”. Ήταν κομμάτι του συστήματος και προτού γίνει κυβέρνηση. Και όπως αξιοποιήθηκε από την αστική τάξη για να προσφέρει ζωογόνες ανάσες σε μια περίοδο πολιτικής αστάθειας και κοινωνικής οργής που εν τέλει περιορίστηκε, αποδυναμώθηκε και κατεστάλη, έτσι αναδύεται σήμερα ως συμπλήρωμα του καθεστωτικού διπολισμού, ως η κύρια έκφραση της εγχώριας σοσιαλδημοκρατίας.

Το κράτος αποδείχθηκε πως έχει συνέχεια και ότι ο τερματισμός των αντικοινωνικών λειτουργιών του μπορεί να επέλθει μόνο μέσω της επαναστατικής ανατροπής του. Η κυβερνητική θητεία του σύριζα ανέδειξε αυτό που οι αναρχικοί ανέκαθεν υποστηρίζαμε, ότι δηλαδή δεν υφίστανται εναλλακτικές πολιτικές διαχείρισης ενός συστήματος βαρβαρότητας με “κοινωνικό” πρόσημο. Ο καπιταλισμός δεν εξανθρωπίζεται, ούτε υπάρχουν συστημικές λύσεις για την ευημερία των πολλών. Πόσο μάλλον εν καιρώ παγκόσμιας καπιταλιστικής κρίσης, κατα την οποία οι ανάγκες επιβίωσης του κεφαλαίου προϋποθέτουν για την αναπαραγωγή του την ανακατανομή του πλούτου από τα κάτω προς τα πάνω. Η εργατική τάξη εκτίμησε ότι μια αριστερή κυβέρνηση μπορεί, έστω σε έναν βαθμό να την ανακουφίσει. Έτσι αναζήτησε την επίπλαστη ευημερία των δανείων, του πελατειακού κράτους, της κοινωνικής κινητικότητας των προ-κρίσης εποχών. Δεν συνεκτίμησε ότι η “ευημερία” στον καπιταλισμό είναι πλασματική και δεν μακροημερεύει.

Στον αντίποδα του σύριζα, βρίσκεται η επερχόμενη κυβέρνηση. Πρόκειται για την δεξιά του νόμου και της τάξης, των συμφερόντων της οικονομικής ολιγαρχίας, της υπεράσπισης της “ελεύθερης αγοράς”. Τασσόμαστε πολέμια ενάντια σε αυτήν αλλά και στο κράτος και τα συμφέροντα που υπηρετεί. Άλλωστε τόσο αυτοί όσο και οι σοσιαλδημοκράτες υπηρετούν το ίδιο σύστημα. Θα αγωνιστούμε για την πολιτική τους κατάρρευση με την παρουσία μας στους δρόμους ενάντια στα νέα μέτρα, στις νέες νομοθεσίες, στις νέες πολιτικές λεηλασίας, στα νέα μνημόνια που θα επιβάλλει. Θα παλέψουμε ώστε το αντίπαλο δέος του συστήματος να είναι επαναστατικό και ανατρεπτικό.

Δεν αμφιβάλλουμε λοιπόν, ότι το εκλογικό αποτέλεσμα της 7ης Ιουλίου θα επηρεάσει αισθητά την κοινωνική πλειοψηφία. Κι αυτό, διότι ανεξαρτήτου αποτελέσματος και κυβερνητικού σχηματισμού θα είναι εξίσου ζημιωμένη. Το χάσμα μεταξύ πλούσιων και φτωχών θα συνεχίσει να διευρύνεται. Οι αντιθέσεις των τάξεων είναι και θα παραμείνουν πολωμένες και σύντομα θα γίνουν άβυσσος. Και στην άβυσσο δεν υφίστανται ισορροπίες. Η καπιταλιστική κρίση δεν είναι μια παροδική κάμψη, αλλά ένα εγκλωβιστικό τέλμα. Τα μηνύματα για την “κρίση που τέλειωσε”, για την “ανάκαμψη της ελληνικής οικονομίας”, για την “τρόικα που έφυγε” διαχέονται καταιγιστικά από τα κατευθυνόμενα μμε αλλά δεν μπορούν να αποκρύψουν την πραγματικότητα η οποία πάντα θα “δραπετεύει” από την συστημική προπαγάνδα. Το σύστημα είναι σε αδιέξοδο και σκορπάει την φτώχεια, τον πόνο, την δυστυχία και τον θάνατο για να επιστρέψει στην κανονικότητα. Και είναι στο δικό μας χέρι και στη δική μας βούληση αν θα το ανατρέψουμε.

Ως αναρχικό στέκι φιλοσοφικής είμαστε κομμάτι του ευρύτερου αγώνα για την οικοδόμηση της επαναστατικής προοπτικής, για την οικοδόμηση της αναρχικής κοινωνίας. Μίας κοινωνίας ελευθερίας και ισότητας, απαλλαγμένης από ταξικές διαιρέσεις και καταπιεστικούς θεσμούς, που θα αναπτύσσεται με γνώμονα την συλλογική ωφέλεια. Σε μια τέτοια κοινωνία τα κοινοβούλια, το σύστημα αντιπροσώπευσης, οι επαγγελματίες πολιτικοί δεν θα έχουν θέση. Σε αυτή την κατεύθυνση, παλεύουμε μέσα και έξω από την σχολή για την ανάπτυξη των συνειδήσεων, την διάχυση των προταγμάτων μας, την όξυνση του αγώνα ενάντια στο κράτος και το κεφάλαιο. Είμαστε αναπόσπαστο μέρος της φοιτητικής βάσης, των διεκδικήσεων της φοιτητικής κοινότητας, και στοχεύουμε στην σύνδεση αυτών των διεκδικήσεων με τους συνολικότερους κοινωνικούς και ταξικούς αγώνες. Ταυτόχρονα διεξάγουμε και έναν πολιτικό, αμιγώς αναρχικό αγώνα.

Εν’ όψει των εκλογών, προτάσσουμε την όσο πιο ευρεία αποχή. Γιατί οι λύσεις στα φλέγοντα ζητήματα που αφορούν τις ζωές μας, δεν βρίσκονται στα ψηφοδέλτια. Τις πραγματικές διεξόδους θα τις βρούμε στους συλλογικούς αγώνες, στις μικρές και μεγάλες μάχες. Καμία νομιμοποίηση στους κομματικούς δυνάστες, καμία ψήφο στους εκφραστές της κρατικής και καπιταλιστικής βαρβαρότητας, ότι χρώμα και ότι προσωπείο και αν έχουν. Η συμμετοχή στις εκλογές δεν είναι συμμετοχή στα “κοινά”. Είναι ανάθεση των υποθέσεων μας, είναι συναίνεση στα σχέδια υποβάθμισης των ζωών μας.

ΟΥΤΕ ΜΕ ΤΟ ΚΟΜΜΑ ΤΗΣ “ΕΛΠΙΔΑΣ”, ΟΥΤΕ ΜΕ ΤΟ ΚΟΜΜΑ ΤΗΣ “ΤΑΞΗΣ”

ΣΥΝΕΙΔΗΤΗ ΑΠΟΧΗ ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΕΚΛΟΓΕΣ – ΟΡΓΑΝΩΣΗ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΩΝΑΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΑΝΑΡΧΙΑ

france / belgium / luxemburg / community struggles / opinion / analysis Wednesday June 05, 2019 12:26 byMorgan

The following article is a personal impression and analysis of the Yellow Vests movement in France, written by a French Anarchist now living in Aotearoa/New Zealand.


First of all I should state that this is a personal account of the situation, it is my take on a very diverse and complex social movement. The Yellow Vests movement was sparked by a government increase of oil prices in October 2018 though it is far from being the only reason: a generalized speed reduction on the roads was also seen as a way for the government to disguise a new tax by increasing the number of speeding tickets. However these reasons are only the tip of the iceberg. The real origins of this explosion of anger can be found in the policies of president Emmanuel Macron and the French political and social situation. Emmanuel Macron was elected with only few people ever voting for him ; his opponent being the far right candidate Marine Le Pen. A number of voters refused to chose between a racist and a former banker. Unsurprisingly Macron is now conducting a right-wing style of governance; reducing taxes on the rich, continuing his predecessor’s attacks on workers’ rights, repression of social movements, harassment and deportation of migrants etc. In this context the Yellow Vests movement appears as a true popular revolt which has more to do with the fact that people are fed up with the whole situation. However this anger is taking many forms and has not always been directed at the origins of the problem. I will try and explain the movement’s evolution and shed a light on its class composition, then I’ll try to explain the anarchists and revolutionaries’ response to the situation and I will then conclude on the movement’s perspectives and current situation.

In the beginning the movement was launched by a mobilization on social media platforms, especially Facebook. In a few videos seen by millions of people and shared by thousands, individuals were calling on people to oppose the government’s fuel prices increase, new speed limits and taxes. At that time the symbol of the yellow vest appeared ; in France every car owner is bound by law to have one in their vehicle. The videos also called on people to rally in the roundabouts and to wear this vest or display it in their cars. These roundabouts soon became quite central in the mobilization. This gives us a hint on the class composition of the movement in its early stages. The roundabout is typical of France’s industrial and commercial centers, suburbs in-between the countryside and cities, rural areas and small towns. As opposed to the typical movements centered on big urban centers this one took hold in more rural parts of the country. At one point people started occupying these roundabouts, day and night in some places ; tents were erected, shacks constructed and campfires were lit. One has to remember that it was still winter time and the nights could be quite cold. From time to time the roundabouts were blocked and skirmishes with drivers happened here and there. A few people even died because they were hit by cars. However most of the occupations consisted in distributing leaflets to passing cars and debating with other Yellow Vests. The occupations are the place were people who had never participated in any mobilization were starting to learn, make friends and comrades etc. At that time only a few of them were union members or had been militants of any political party.

Politically speaking the movement always has been, and is, very diverse. The focus on taxes, and fuel prices were quite foreign to leftwing activists. On the roundabouts you could also find a number of petit-bourgeois, small business owners, racist and fascist figureheads etc. Depending on the place some racists attacks took place and on one occasion people arrested migrants and gave them up to the police. This is far from being the core of what was happening, but this explains why many leftists and anarchists did not know how to react. However as the movement grew and was met with police repression the situation started to evolve. People started to converge on weekly demonstrations called “Acts” and were faced with police brutality. Occupations on roundabouts were more and more violent because of police repression and not only because of other car owners. At one point the movement decided to regroup for demonstrations in Paris. One cannot stress enough how politically young the Yellow Vests are as a whole. For example, in France one has to declare intended demonstrations to the police. The problem is that although the movement had figureheads, there was no leader and no central decision making process. What happened is that people decided to show up in Paris just by announcing it and they chose a symbolic place that has always been off limit to social movements; the Arc de Triomphe and the upper class neighborhoods surrounding it. This led to heavy clashes with the police and a part of the movement started radicalizing. From people who wanted the police to join them and treat them as fellow workers they started to become more and more angry at what was perceived as unjust and unfair violence and repression. In the meantime, business owners and right-wing elements started to distance themselves from the violence, however the core of the movement did not. Demands started to include more and more things like minimum wage increase, taxes for the rich and democratic reforms. More anarchists and leftists started to join, sympathize and organize within the movement as it appeared for what it was – a working class movement, unaffiliated to political parties and unions. For some anarchists and revolutionaries the fact that these people were capable of rioting in the most upper class neighborhoods of Paris has also been a wake up call. These demonstrations did not always take place in Paris ; some cities emerged as political hubs although they did not have a tradition of participation in social movements and riots sparked by police repression started in a lot of them.

The shift between a mainly non-violent and peaceful movement to a more determined one was also accompanied by the media. In the beginning the bourgeois media found that the movement was quite positive. It seemed like a dream come true for right-wingers; a peaceful popular movement against taxes, government involvement in the market etc. However as the movement became more radical the media started to describe them as irresponsible persons, and called on people to distance themselves from rioters and vandals etc. In the meantime police repression kept on growing and the media did not say anything about it. At this day at least 30 people have lost an eye because of the LB-40 (flashball), 5 lost a hand because of grenades and one person was killed. The number of wounded are in the thousands and a lot of people are being condemned to jail time after each demonstrations. Most of them were not even directly involved in the riots. The role of the media in not reporting police brutality and the distortion of facts explains why a lot of Yellow Vests are now considering them as liars and enemies. A few journalists were even attacked during demonstrations even though most of the violence they face has been coming from the police. We also have something to say about the role of public figures within the movement. Most of them refuse to be considered as leaders and a lot of them do not hesitate to call on people to act outside the law. For now the ones who tried to recuperate the movement for their own political gain or tried to distance themselves from rioters were met with a loss of popularity, death threats and attacks, even during the demonstrations or at their homes. This is also the case for government ministers and political figures opposing the movement.

As always the revolutionary movement (anarchists and autonomists) did not agree on the situation and the response we should have. Especially in the beginning, a lot of people considered the movement to be a right-wing and even far-right movement. It is true that some of the early leaders in the Yellow Vests had a right-wing background. However for me a lot of the rejection from parts of the revolutionary movement came from the disconnect between the revolutionaries and the working class. This is of course a greater problem that should be adressed elsewhere. Because of the problems that I mentioned before, and especially racism and antisemitism, some comrades are convinced that this movement is nothing more than a fascist movement. However there has been a shift in the face of police repression and riots. To their credit most autonomists groups like the “appelistes” (Lundi Matin, the invisible committee, Julien Coupat) were very enthusiastic from the very beginning. But we also have to note that their enthusiasm is also based on the fact that they reject traditional class analysis.

As people were criticizing the movement for its racism, a lot of comrades took it upon themselves to try and expel the fascists from the movement. It mainly came in the form of street brawls during demonstration, doxxing and attacks against fascists’ headquarters. At one point and time the situation was tense for left wing organization and groups. Some attacks were really violent and a number of comrades were wounded. The fascists even attacked mainstream left-wing groups, not only revolutionaries and antifascists. They are still a threat but it seems that the tide has turned for them. They lost a number of brawls and recently they were beaten so badly that they ended up in the hospital. Some of them decided to go to the police which is unusual for those groups who pride themselves on their strength and who are culturally close to the ultras and hooligans. However for me these street groups are not the main threat ; the intellectual figureheads of the movement are sometime far more problematic. A number of them support conspiracy theories and/or low key antisemitic views. For the time being there seems to be no solutions for that other than pointing out the problem.

The riots in the streets are at level not seen in Paris since 1968. The upper class neighborhoods have been attacked and even a ministry was broken into with a forklift during a demonstration. The Yellow Vests are getting more and more radicalized because of the repression; as a result they are starting to view the tactics of what they see as “the black bloc” as more and more justified. Most of the people active in the riots are first timers. This alliance between Yellow Vests and the “black bloc” also called “Kway noir” in french or “Black raincoats” is an issue of great concern for the government. They have not succeeded in creating a rejection of the more radical elements by the movement. Even worse, a lot of people are starting to consider that black bloc tactics are justified in term of self defense and that they have sometimes defended them from police violence. On the other hand the increase in police violence means that a lot of people are now justifiably scared to go to demonstrations and that has provoked a drop in participation if not in popularity.

Concerning the mainstream unions their attitude toward the movement has often been quite hostile but an hostility towards them can also be felt within the Yellow Vests. The reason being that the section of the working class active in the movement is not the same as the one that is unionized. The unions in France are overwhelmingly members of the public sector, have a higher pay and/or work in companies with more than 500 employees. On the other hand a lot of the Yellow Vests come from the private sector, and more precarious situations – self employment, temp jobs etc. However on the ground the rank and file of the unions has been participating in the movement from the very beginning. What is new for France is that this kind of social movement has never been further from the unions and can be seen as an other sign of their loss of power. However unions are not opposing the movement ; for the 1st of may Yellow Vests and unions were demonstrating together.

The government has attempted other means of destroying the movement using methods other than sheer repression. The main attempt was “the great debate” a type of national consultation supposed to inform the president of the request and demands of the people. It took the form of local groups of randomly selected people tasked with debating and coming up with requests. However at the end of this the president declared basically that he understood the demands but was not going to do anything about it, therefore showing what the attempt was all about ; destroying the movement and gaining time hoping people would get tired. It was even more absurd to try and start the “great debate” because the movement already had more or less clear demands ; things like the “RIC” ; Popular Initiative Referendum. This would basically permit people to vote on policies and propose new ones. Raising minimum wage and taxing the rich are the two other big demands on the part of the Yellow Vests.

Recently the demonstration of the 1st of May has seen much violence coming from the police. The government had given orders not to let the more radical groups time to gather. This took the form of a lot of charges and attacks on the demonstration and even on mainstream unions, which is quite new. The representative of the main french union, The CGT, even had to leave the demonstration because of police violence. The government succeeded in limiting this demonstration but failed miserably in the eyes of the public. For example they were caught lying about demonstrators attacking a hospital-it turned out people were just trying to flee police violence. More and more videos show special police groups attacking people randomly, even in their own buildings. Police repression has had the effect of radicalizing and bringing revolutionaries and Yellow Vests closer together. More and more the common denominator of this diverse movement is a hatred for the police and calls for a revolution.

It is difficult to see what the future will bring. However this movement is like no other we have seen in the past years. Personally I think that even though this movement has a lot of problems and things that need to be addressed it is still the most encouraging thing to appear in a long time ; an autonomous, working class, social movement.

indonesia / philippines / australia / community struggles / opinion / analysis Monday May 27, 2019 11:45 byMelbourne Anarchist Communist Group

What is required is a movement that knows the police are the attack dogs of the enemy and they are to be resisted with all the strength and intelligence we can muster. We need a movement that wants to #StopAdani directly, a movement that will create facts on the ground that the Government cannot ignore. And this movement, in challenging the State, will inevitably look beyond it, to a new society with no State and no cops, and where capitalism is no more.

As more people realise that climate change is happening, and there’s no mainstream political call to stop it, they are starting to look beyond conventional political tactics. Writing to politicians, canvassing for votes and having a protest march from A to B won’t cut it. The peace and environment movements have a long tradition of adopting Non-Violent Direct Action (NVDA) when other tactics fail, without clarifying just what this means.

It is generally agreed that NVDA attempts to achieve aims by peacefully taking action that either directly reaches the goals or blocks the government or corporation from conducting business-as-usual (BAU). These are very effective tactics. Indeed, it can be seen that a strike is a primary example. Workers withdraw their labour and refuse to conduct BAU until the boss makes an adequate offer. Direct action gets the goods.

In practice, though, there is more to NVDA than meets the eye. While the peace and environment movements in Australia are almost totally united in supporting this approach, there has been much debate around how to go about it. Big campaigns over the Franklin Dam in the 1980s and Jabiluka in the 1990s were riven by conflicts over this issue. With the climate movement gearing up to wage an NVDA campaign to #StopAdani, the MACG believes it’s important to understand NVDA a little better.

Sometimes NVDA really is what it says on the tin. People come together to take action that achieves their goals directly. On other occasions, however, what occurs is Non-Violent “Direct” Action. The participants go through the forms of Direct Action, without the substance. The action is symbolic and the intent is to achieve its aims indirectly, through traditional channels.

Though many examples of such “Direct” Action have occurred in Australia, it is best illustrated by a particularly egregious case in the United States. Democracy Spring is a progressive organisation in the US trying to improve voting rights and limit the ability of rich people to use their money to influence elections – worthy objectives, but very limited ones. In April 2016, this organisation conducted a march from Philadelphia to Washington DC, culminating in a blockade of the Capitol Building, the Parliament House in the US. Over the course of a week, more than 900 people were arrested. An impressive display of Direct Action, it appeared.

Appearances, though, were deceiving. The “blockade” of the Capitol was a highly choreographed affair, conducted in close co-operation with the police. There was no serious attempt to impede access to the building. The arrestees were not even charged, something which would have clogged up the courts. Instead, they were released after paying $50 each to a fund that goes to the Washington DC police. This was “Direct” Action as a mere ritual, a symbol of determination, with the real objective of getting TV coverage that mentioned “a record number of arrests”. It was a media strategy based upon deception.

The difference between NVDA and NV“D”A is usually apparent in the media strategy. In Direct Action, the primary function of the media strategy is to draw more people into the action and to deter State violence. In “Direct” Action, its primary function is to generate mass media attention that affects the mainstream political process. Direct Action empowers the participants, while “Direct” Action treats them as a stage army, to be wheeled on and off according to the judgment of the leadership.

The difference between Direct Action and “Direct” Action can also be seen in their very different treatment by the police. Police in liberal democracies are often quite willing to collaborate with “Direct” Action as a symbolic spectacle, provided everything is negotiated properly beforehand and it is understood that there is no actual attempt to prevent BAU. The police are almost always very hostile to Direct Action. They are the armed thugs of the State and their job is to uphold an unjust social order. Direct Action puts the State in the position of either being forced to concede, or to use police violence to defeat the movement. The larger the Direct Action is, the more violence the State would require and the more it would be discredited by its response, sparking wider resistance. It is thus a challenge to the State, something no police force can tolerate.

Now that Adani have announced they intend to build their coal mine and railway line without borrowing from the banks, the probability of it actually starting work has increased. If the climate movement wants to #StopAdani, it will have to defeat the opposition of the Queensland Government. NVDA will be called for. The movement needs to be clear, though, that “Direct” Action is different from Direct Action.

When a government is firmly in the pocket of the mining companies, it will not be swayed by a few weeks of TV stories showing pictures of people passively sitting and waiting to be taken away by the cops. What is required is a movement that knows the police are the attack dogs of the enemy and they are to be resisted with all the strength and intelligence we can muster. We need a movement that wants to #StopAdani directly, a movement that will create facts on the ground that the Government cannot ignore. And this movement, in challenging the State, will inevitably look beyond it, to a new society with no State and no cops, and where capitalism is no more.

#STOP ADANI

*This article first appeared in The Anvil Vol 8 No 2, published 14 March 2019.

indonesia / philippines / australia / community struggles / press release Friday May 17, 2019 06:40 byMelbourne Anarchist Communist Group

On 18 May, enrolled voters in Australia will decide which members of the capitalist class will represent us in Parliament and crush us in government for the next three years. This election occurs at a time when the world has been informed that it has, at most, until 2030 to take effective action to stop and begin reversing climate change, or risk crossing tipping points into runaway temperature rises that would kill billions and endanger industrial civilisation. So you’d think the major players would be presenting plans to fix it. But no, this is Australian capitalist democracy and we get something different.

On 18 May, enrolled voters in Australia will decide which members of the capitalist class will represent us in Parliament and crush us in government for the next three years. This election occurs at a time when the world has been informed that it has, at most, until 2030 to take effective action to stop and begin reversing climate change, or risk crossing tipping points into runaway temperature rises that would kill billions and endanger industrial civilisation. So you’d think the major players would be presenting plans to fix it. But no, this is Australian capitalist democracy and we get something different.

The incumbent government is a coalition of the Liberal Party, the open representatives of Big Business, and the National Party, which pretends to represent farmers but actually represents mining companies. The Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, two years ago infamously thought it would be a jolly jape to bring a lump of coal into Parliament and taunt his political opponents with it. He is only PM because climate change deniers in his own party nobbled some ineffective attempts to do something about the issue and eventually brought down Malcolm Turnbull, the Liberal Prime Minister they detested for being too liberal.

What are they offering? Firstly, they have promised a vast number of mostly small infrastructure and spending projects in seats they need to hold and a handful they hope to take. It is a grab bag with no coherent vision. Second, they promise a substantial tax cut in five years for people on upper middle incomes. Apart from that, they offer nothing. Nothing but a relentless scare campaign against the Labor Party and its leader, Bill Shorten.

And what of the Labor Party? This party fundamentally represents the desire of the union bureaucracy to reach a compromise with capital about permissible reforms that might better the lot of working people while preserving existing capitalist relations. Its leader, Bill Shorten, comes from the Australian Workers Union, which has a deserved reputation of decades of undemocratic sellouts of its members. Naturally, the capitalists don’t criticise him for that, since it’s the one thing they are in favour of union officials doing.

Surprisingly, Labor is presenting its strongest contrast with the Liberals for a generation. This is because Shorten and other senior Labor figures have seen the death spiral into which most European social democratic parties have entered and declined to join them. They’re not departing from neo-liberalism, but they’re having a serious go at a range of costly tax loopholes used by the richest 10%. They’re also promising to do something effective about climate change, though their concrete proposals are only about half of what is needed.

Who else is running? Firstly, we’ll take the Right. There’s One Nation, as nasty a bunch of racists and bigots as you’re ever likely to find, and then there’s a collection of Right wing nut jobs (mostly running only for the Senate) who for reasons known only to themselves aren’t in One Nation. Clive Palmer, a mining magnate, is trying to buy his way into Parliament with a Trump-esque slogan and a policy free zone onto which people can project their wishes. And a dishonourable mention has to go to Fraser Anning’s Conservative National Party, who are actual capital-F Fascists, but have an accidental Senator to give them publicity.

On the Left, we have the Greens. As a capitalist party, they shame Labor by campaigning to their Left, proposing a range of supportable reforms and some climate change policies that start to approach what is necessary. They are fundamentally handicapped, though, by their delusion that a just and sustainable capitalism is possible. Whatever the virtues of their individual policies, the working class would end up bearing the cost.

The final party worth mentioning are the Victorian Socialists, who are running in three lower house seats in Victoria. The MACG oppose running for elections because, although it’s possible to enter a capitalist Parliament on a principled basis, we think it’s a waste of time and effort to do so. The energy required for the election campaign can be far more usefully directed towards building grassroots struggles. Nevertheless, the question arises of how to respond if a State Socialist group decides to waste its resources that way.

Because the Victorian Socialists have no chance of being elected, they only have to pass two very simple tests. They have to be standing clearly for Socialism and against capitalism. Secondly, the party mustn’t have disgraced itself in front of the whole working class like the British SWP has with its rape apologism (put “Comrade Delta” into your favourite search engine). They pass both these. We make no detailed demands of their policy, because we understand that no Parliamentary program, however “correct”, can get us to Socialism. And the Victorian Socialists’ program is indeed quite weak. For more details, you can consult your friendly local Spartacist, who will be only too happy to brief you on their shortcomings.

On this basis, we believe it is possible for Anarchists to lodge a principled vote for the Victorian Socialists. We must emphasise, though, the very limited meaning of such a vote. It is simply to say “I’m against capitalism and for Socialism” and it is only because the Vic Socialists have no chance of winning. If they stood a chance, no matter how remote, we would have to judge them on a much stricter test. A crucial element would be whether a Victorian Socialists MP would explain to the working class that Socialism is only possible through the revolutionary actions of the workers themselves and not through Parliament. This is a test they would not pass.

Finally, it is necessary to point out that the Victorian Socialists have already demonstrated our thesis that Leftists should put their energies into grassroots struggles rather than election campaigns. On 4 May, the Fascist party Yellow Vests Australia held a small demonstration in Melbourne. Normally, the Campaign Against Racism and Fascism would have mobilised in opposition. Most of its members, however, are in Socialist Alternative, the main force behind the Victorian Socialists, and the SAlties were out busy doorknocking for the Vic Socialists instead. Other groups, being smaller, didn’t want to risk mobilising on their own. So the Fascists went unopposed. Fail.

BUILD MOVEMENTS NOT ELECTIONS

Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group

southern africa / community struggles / interview Saturday April 06, 2019 00:57 byLekhetho Mtetwa

Lekhetho Mtetwa, a member of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF) discusses his role in the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), formed in South Africa in 2001. While the LPM was affiliated to Via Campesina, and linked to the Landless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra: MST), its activities centred on urban squatter communities, rather than farm occupations or organising alternative agrarian systems. Then-living in a squatter camp in Protea South, Soweto, Mtetwa served as the local secretary; by 2013, this was the key LPM branch. Several attempts were made by political parties to capture Protea South LPM, using patronage and promises, leading to the eventual implosion of the branch. Mtetwa provides an essential analysis of the rise and fall of the LPM, and the role that anarchists can play in such social movements.


A ZACF Anarchist in the Landless People’s Movement, South Africa: Interview with Lekhetho Mtetwa

Introduction


The Landless People’s Movement (LPM) was formed in 2001, much of the initial impetus coming from an NGO body called the National Land Committee (NLC). Although affiliated to Via Campesina, and linked to the Landless Workers Movement (MST) in Brazil, its activity has centred on the struggles of urban squatter communities, rather than on agrarian issues, farm occupations or organising alternative production systems. In 2004, LPM supporters protested the national elections declaring “No Land! No Vote!” In 2008, the Gauteng province-based LPM sections (now the main LPM affiliates) formed the Poor People’s Alliance with the squatters’ movement Abahlali baseMjondolo and the Rural Network / Abahlali basePlasini (both in KwaZulu-Natal), and the Anti-Eviction Campaign (in the Western Cape). The Poor People’s Alliance also took an anti-electoral position.

In the texts provided below, Lekhetho Mtetwa, an activist in the LPM in Protea South in Soweto, and a member of the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front (ZACF), discusses the struggles of the LPM. Mtetwa was, at the time, LPM secretary in Protea South. It is important to note that by 2013 the LPM in Protea South in Soweto was the main LPM affiliate. Since Mtetwa’s comments were made, this section has faced notable challenges. In 2010, a founder member and office-bearer sought to use the LPM to support her running for municipal office on a Democratic Alliance (DA)-linked ticket. This was defeated by Mtetwa and others, but a long- term schism resulted. From 2014, many in LPM-Protea South were (successfully) wooed by the new Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party: Mtetwa resigned in protest. Despite some subsequent disillusion in EFF, following the 2014 national elections, the section has not fully revived. It seems likely that it will be replaced by a branch of Abahlali baseMjondolo.

The texts


Two texts are provided below. The first is a lightly edited transcript of an introduction to the LPM that Mtetwa gave on the 29 September 2013, at the “Politics at a Distance from the State” conference at Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa. The second text is an interview with Mtetwa, at the same event, by Lucien van der Walt, on 30 September.


Part 1: Lekhetho Mtetwa: The Landless People’s Movement fights for the people’s rights

“I am from the Landless People’s Movement (LPM), a movement that engages the people on land issues. People have been protesting for their right to land, while the state is trying to privatise and control land, and also push shack-dwellers away from the cities. The eviction of people is ongoing, so we fight for the “right to the city,” and for the right to land and housing.

“Another issue we address is unemployment: land is not enough. The workers and the unemployed should occupy factories and workplaces, so that we can have jobs and meet our needs.

“What does the word ‘state’ mean? The state rests on violence against the working class.

“At election times, politicians make empty promises, but after the elections they deploy violence against us, the working class. Our structures have been attacked by police and by vigilantes. In 2004, we had comrades who were arrested and tortured when they campaigned at election time, saying “No Land! No Vote!” In 2007, on the 3rd September, we were barricading roads, and we lost one comrade: he was knocked over by a van that rode away. The police attacked us, although we were exercising and demanding our rights.

“I am involved in the LPM in Protea South, Soweto, where we are shack-dwellers. The state wants to remove all the shack dwellers, and to then use the land for houses for other people. This is a major issue that we are fighting. Forced removals are what we are facing. Housing is what we want: to be housed properly.

“We also face a lack of consultation from our so-called elected municipal councillors: they do things, without consulting the community. The politicians rely on the votes of our grandparents: they use them to get elected, promising this and that to get at the end of the day more votes.

“These are the problems that we are facing. To organise and fight for the things I have mentioned, we as LPM Protea South usually have a protest march or barricade the streets, so we can be seen by the state as fighting for our demands. Normally we make it a point that no-one from our community goes to work during the protests. There are shops in our area: we make it a point that no-one opens on that day also.

“If each and every person joins the struggle, we can make changes. We need to fight the struggle together: even fighting for our rights in Protea South is not only a fight for LPM members only, but for everyone who lives in in this community and in this world. We are fighting for everyone who needs land and freedom.

“All social movements should organise all the ordinary people to take direct action to defeat the state and the capitalists. If we always talk and talk without action, we are like an empty vessel. We need to be creative, and I push the idea of a poor people’s summit, to build for big day of action and to allow struggles to be linked up.”

Part 2: Lekhetho Mtetwa: Rebuilding the Landless People’s Movement from below

Lucien van der Walt (LvdW): Thanks very much for agreeing to be interviewed. Can you tell me a bit about yourself and about the Landless People’s Movement (LPM) and its work?

Lekhetho Mtetwa (LM): I am Lekhetho Mtetwa, secretary of the LPM in Protea South, from Chiawelo, in Soweto.

The LPM was set up in Protea South in 2001, and the person who introduced it was Maureen Mnisi. She became its chairperson for plus-minus 11 years, and was also Gauteng LPM chair.

How did I join? I raised issues in a public meeting, around land, and people said, “You know what, come and join us.” And I was given light on how the LPM movement works, by word of mouth. Later I was given the documents of the movement. Eventually I was selected as a secretary, because I was politically strong. Initially I was co-opted onto the committee, later I was elected.

The LPM fights for the rights of the people, for housing, land, and jobs and against evictions. It fights so that the people may be able to support their families.

It doesn’t support elections to the state, including to town councils. LPM focuses on the needs of the youth, and the community. We take the demands, and go to the local councillor, and present the demands. If nothing happens then, we take our demands to the top. And if nobody listens, then we march on government offices, and present a memorandum, and we barricade the roads, and stay-away from work.

LVDW: Can you can you tell me more about the current situation of the LPM? How is it doing these days?

LM: We are trying our best to rebuild the movement, and most of the support we have, we are getting from our community – and also from other social movements, which support us.

The LPM was, at one stage, claiming to be a country-wide organisation. Today, though, the main branch is in Protea South, Soweto. One of the issues is that there is not a structure linking different branches, even if they did exist. But as far as I know, the only other existing branch involves comrades in Durban. But there is nothing which I heard from that side for some time, about what they are maybe doing. We have contacts with them, but there is nothing we have planned together.

Understanding the problems, let us remember our branch of the LPM and other branches also, have faced repression. In our case has included arrests and assaults, and also attacks from vigilantes from nearby better-off areas in Soweto.

But there are also internal challenges. Recently there was a change in the leadership of the LPM branch in Protea South: I am the secretary of the new leadership. This change was linked to a fight against people who were using the movement for their own benefit, including trying to push it to join political parties, and provide votes. This is part of a bigger problem of nepotism, favouritism and opportunism that we see in some movements, and that we fight.

The earlier leadership tended to be top-down, not always even elected. We have changed that. What we are doing now is involving each and every person in our community, so that they can be part of us. What I am trying to say is that, as “leadership,” we are not saying that, because we are the leaders or office-bearers, we will control and do everything. Instead, before we take things forward, we call a mass meeting wherein the community brings up suggestions and issues. Then we sit down as a committee, look at these matters, and then work out a way ahead. Then after that, we go back to the community: if they agree with everything, then we go further with everything; that is what we do; otherwise we again take the points and again change the plan, and again go back to the community.

Our focus is our branch’s work, where we try our best to make the LPM movement go back to what it was before, but better. At this present moment we are trying to rebuild the movement within our community, and from there, we are planning to start other branches in other places.

LVDW: In the past, the LPM used the slogans “No Land! No Vote!” and then “No Land! No House! No Vote!” once it helped form the Poor People’s Alliance along with Abahlali baseMjondolo and others in 2008. Do these slogans still get used?

LM: Yes, it doesn’t end. It doesn’t end as long as we are living under the circumstances under which we are living.

LVDW: And in the long-run what would be your vision of a new, a better South Africa? And what would be required to make this into reality?

LM: For me, I want to see everyone owning land and resources together, in common; everyone having a house, people living equal lifestyles and having useful jobs.

We should introduce the anarchist principles: all movements should come together and fight the system and in that way, build for revolution. We will then be able to defeat the state and the capitalists and thereafter the working class and poor people will be the ones controlling everything – everything which the bosses and politicians are owning and controlling at this present moment.

LVDW: How do you think we can create, solve the job problem in South Africa?

LM: By kicking out the bosses and taking over the factories and workplaces. That is the only way.

LVDW: Thanks very much for your time.

LM: Thanks a lot, com.

SOURCE: Lekhetho Mtetwa, 2018, “Interview: The Landless People’s Movement Fights for the People’s Rights,” 29–30 September 2013, in Kirk Helliker and Lucien van der Walt (eds.), Politics at a Distance from the State: Radical and African Perspectives, Routledge: London, New York, pp. 149-152.

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Neste 8 de Março, levantamos mais uma vez a nossa voz e os nossos punhos pela vida das mulheres!

Neste 8 de Março, levantamos mais uma vez a nossa voz e os nossos punhos pela vida das mulheres!

Community struggles

Thu 20 Jun, 04:23

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elections.jpg imageΝα αψηφίσουμε τι`... Jun 19 22:29 by Αναρχικό Στέκι Φιλοσοφικής 0 comments

yellow.png imageYellow Vests and Raincoats Jun 05 12:26 by Morgan 0 comments

onstrike.png imageNon-violent action: Direct and “direct” May 27 11:45 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

elections.jpg imageDon’t mention the emergency May 17 06:40 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

Lekhetho Mtetwa imageA ZACF Anarchist in the Landless People’s Movement, South Africa Apr 06 00:57 by Lekhetho Mtetwa 0 comments

text"En Haití está desarrollándose una rebelión de las masas en contra de un sistema neocoloni... Mar 28 09:04 by Mario Hernández 0 comments

460_0___30_0_0_0_0_0_218553.jpg imageLos Chalecos Amarillos han destrozado las viejas categorías políticas Feb 28 17:27 by Jerome Roos 0 comments

textWhat Colour is Your Vest? The Gilets Jaunes Revolt Shaking France Feb 14 20:53 by Stefan Kipfer 0 comments

1070099052_1.png imageΔιδάγματα από τα ... Jan 31 17:39 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

1070099052.png imageLessons from the Yellow Vests Jan 30 20:36 by Melbourne Anarchist Communist Group 0 comments

textYellow Vests and I Jan 12 19:55 by Pamela Anderson 0 comments

218553.png image“The Gilets Jaunes have blown up the old political categories” Jan 12 19:53 by Jerome Roos 0 comments

textTrespass 3 Jan 03 23:45 by Trespass 0 comments

textDe los chalecos amarillos en Francia a las luchas obreras portuarias en Chile: La centrali... Jan 03 17:02 by Matías Guerra 0 comments

e74bb6ebfd5c898fbe19c0fd7d7a721d.jpg imageΤουριστικοποίησ... Dec 27 19:17 by Dmitri (αναδημοσίευση) 0 comments

212131320.jpg imageΓια το φετιχισμό ... Dec 19 19:05 by Αναρχική Συλλογικότητα ΚΑΘ 0 comments

capaespanol.png imageEl Terrorismo de Estado en Curitiba (Paraná, Brasil) Dec 19 03:35 by Colectivo Anarquista Lucha de Classe 0 comments

capafamiliasincendio.png imageTerrorismo de Estado em Curitiba, Brasil Dec 19 03:27 by Coletivo Anarquista Luta de Classe 0 comments

basra1.jpg imageLes manifestations dans la ville de Bassorah, au sud de l'Irak, continuent Sep 14 05:30 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

basra.jpg imageThe Protest in Basra’s city, south of Iraq, continues Sep 09 00:57 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

textEstados Unidos, tierra fértil para un nuevo municipalismo Aug 21 18:32 by Kate Shea Baird 0 comments

textRęka w ręke z kobiecą rewolucją Aug 09 21:02 by Justyna Wróblewska 0 comments

ricardo_flores_magon.jpg imageΧωρίς αφεντικά Aug 05 21:31 by Ricardo Flores Magon 0 comments

cropped96194995296576995695795996541.jpg imageΕίμαστε εδώ για ν ... Jul 29 22:53 by ΕΣΕ Ρεθύμνου 0 comments

iraq_1.jpg imageDes nouvelles des manifestations à Bagdad et dans le sud de l’Irak : ça continue ! Jul 27 20:51 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

8b056e643c1c40c39aa4e0eb2eb97056_16x9_788x442.jpg imageManifestations de masse dans le sud et le centre de l’Irak Jul 26 11:26 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

iraq.jpg imageUpdate report : The mass protests in Baghdad and Southern Iraq continue Jul 25 06:43 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

ac001e94a76a41ae83326c2d6bd9b6e3.jpeg imageMass protest in central and southern Iraq Jul 19 01:11 by Zaher Baher 0 comments

35385706_1023632721133420_8868624883714621440_n.jpg imageVotando o no votando: las soluciones las conseguimos luchando Jun 16 00:16 by Rebeldía Contrainformativa - CEP Enraizando 0 comments

catalunabarcelonagraciareferendumk3ub1240x698abc.jpg imageEl rol libertario en los CDR catalanes Jun 06 15:16 by Gavroche 0 comments

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