After the imprisonment of rapper Pablo Hasél for a song against the monarchy, after the violent repression of the protests against his imprisonment, after the totally unpunished demonstration of neo-Nazis in Madrid praising the Blue Division, after the unleashed police action in Linares, after months of curfew at nightfall while every morning we go to work in crammed buses and trains like anchovies or even after the haste to put the “Procés” prisoners [1] back in prison after the bad results for the regime in the Catalan elections, we are experiencing a new turn of events in the Spanish state.

The King has no clothes. The authoritarian drift of the state

Embat, a Libertarian Organization from Catalonia

After the imprisonment of rapper Pablo Hasél for a song against the monarchy, after the violent repression of the protests against his imprisonment, after the totally unpunished demonstration of neo-Nazis in Madrid praising the Blue Division, after the unleashed police action in Linares, after months of curfew at nightfall while every morning we go to work in crammed buses and trains like anchovies or even after the haste to put the “Procés” prisoners [1] back in prison after the bad results for the regime in the Catalan elections, we are experiencing a new turn of events in the Spanish state.

All of the above, and more, is related to the so-called “democratic normality”, or rather its non-existence. As indicated by the Vice President of the Government himself – the same one who commissioned the song by Hasél and then did not want to know anything about its legal repercussions – Spain is a low-intensity democracy. With all the above, we are moving towards converging not with the more advanced countries of Northern Europe, but rather with the countries in the East.

In less than a week the contradictions of the Spanish state have become evident. The biggest of all is that there is a government that claims to be left-wing and progressive and every day we have received information of the opposite. For example, its lack of decision or desire to protect those at the bottom, while submitting those at the top, or its cynicism in defending that nothing happens when Francoist declarations are signed in the army. It is made clear time and again that the Government has no power. Who has it then? It is a deep state that controls the drains. And from there it controls all the other levers: the army, the judiciary, the media, big business, politicians and the police. And of course, the monarchy. That is not missing.

The problem is not Hasél. It is a consequence of the problem. The real elephant in the room is that the Spanish state is in the hands of that deep state which is traversed by the same reactionary ideas of Francoism. The state is Francoism with a democratic veneer. And this cannot be changed by neither the PSOE nor Podemos no matter how many governments they might have.

The rise of the far-right in Spain means that somehow the flock of sheep has gotten out of control and it is time to call in the dogs. The Catalan national question of the last decade provoked the gradual appearance of this new political actor that dominates the country, the judiciary. This actor is in charge of legislating, expressing its opinion and clearly setting the political agenda of the state. And this actor is fed by the media bombardment with certain topics, in order to “educate” the population. They do so, for example, when they talk about lost eyes instead of mutilated ones, when they do not talk about the violence exercised by the State through the police or when they divert attention from the root of the problem by putting a perverse definition of civic behavior at the center of the debate. The institutions also feed this bombardment by proposing, as a matter of urgency, a reform of the criminal code that could have been done months ago, the removal of the Gag Law and a pardon for Hasel which, besides being late, is nothing more than a band-aid and not a solution.

This whole issue was well brought to light during autumn 2019, with the ruling of the Referendum. And it is now becoming clearer. Spanish judiciary does not care about the law, except to impose a way of life in accordance with their principles. There is no place for anything else.

Not to understand that in order to move forward we have to expose all this, is to continue playing the game of the post-Francoist state. Catalan politics are in such a situation. They understand how the state works, but then they call for order. They don’t want their barracks to burn down. Protests yes, but peaceful. Feminism yes, but without losing privileges. Anger yes, but contained. Four chants and then go home. Those who follow this logic do not aim to change anything, but to participate in the management of the current situation. To do nothing, as leftist politicians or catalanists would wish, is to allow situations like these to become normalized and to increase.

Anger and indignation appear as isolated outbreaks. When they are shared by the population, no manifesto is needed. All it takes is a burning container and thousands of people – not only in Catalonia but all over the country – get the message. Young people understand that we have to face this reality, young women no longer accept to stay in the rear guard. Not only for Pablo Hasél but for our future as free people.

So we must emphasize the messages that are being spread these days, because they erode the credibility of the state. And the most important message is the defense of liberties in the streets by any means necessary. The best of our people are at risk every night. And it is necessary that as a society we give them all our support in these days and those to come. It is necessary that we show our solidarity with those who have been arrested and injured.

We demand the release of Pablo, and of all political prisoners, the immediate release of all detainees, the dissolution of BRIMO [2] and the fall of the monarchy and the fascist state. Only from here, we can build something else.

Embat, February 18, 2021.

Notes

[1] The “Procés” prisoners are prisoners that are imprisoned because of their alleged involvement in the Catalan independent process.

[2] The BRIMO is a Mobile Brigade, the riot police of the Mossos d’Esquadra (Catalan Police).

Després de l’entrada a la presó del raper Pablo Hasél per una cançó contra la monarquia, després de la violenta repressió de les protestes contra el seu empresonament, després de la manifestació neonazi totalment impune a Madrid lloant la División Azul, després de la violència policial a Linares, després de mesos de toc de queda a la nit mentre al matí els trens van embotits de gent que va a treballar, o fins i tot després de les presses per tornar a ficar a la garjola els presos del Procés pels mals resultats electorals pel règim a les eleccions catalanes, estem vivint un nou gir d’esdeveniments en l’estat espanyol.

[Castellano] [English]

Tras la entrada en prisión del rapero Pablo Hasél por una canción contra la monarquía, tras la violenta represión de las protestas contra su encarcelamiento, después de la manifestación totalmente impune de neonazis en Madrid alabando la División Azul, después de la desatada actuación policial en Linares, después de meses de toque de queda al anochecer mientras cada mañana vamos a trajabar como anxoas o incluso después de las prisas por volver a meter en prisión a los presos del Procés tras los malos resultados para el régimen en las elecciones catalanas, estamos viviendo un nuevo giro de acontecimientos en el estado español.

Tras la entrada en prisión del rapero Pablo Hasél por una canción contra la monarquía, tras la violenta represión de las protestas contra su encarcelamiento, después de la manifestación totalmente impune de neonazis en Madrid alabando la División Azul, después de la desatada actuación policial en Linares, después de meses de toque de queda al anochecer mientras cada mañana vamos a trajabar como anxoas o incluso después de las prisas por volver a meter en prisión a los presos del Procés tras los malos resultados para el régimen en las elecciones catalanas, estamos viviendo un nuevo giro de acontecimientos en el estado español.

Todo lo anterior, y más sucesos, está relacionado con la llamada “normalidad democrática”, o más bien su inexistencia. Como indica el propio vicepresidente del Gobierno – ese mismo que el encargó la canción a Hasél y luego no quiso saber nada de sus repercusiones legales – España es una democracia de baja intensidad. Con todo lo anterior vamos convergiendo no con los países más avanzados del norte de Europa, sino más bien con los países del Este.

En menos de una semana se han puesto de manifiesto las contradicciones del estado español. La mayor de todas es que hay un gobierno que se dice de izquierdas y progresista y todos los días tenemos noticias de lo contrario. Por ejemplo, su falta de decisión o de ganas para proteger a los de abajo, mientras se somete a los de arriba o su cinismo al defender que no pasa nada cuando en el ejército se firman manifiestos franquistas. Se pone de manifiesto una y otra vez que el Gobierno no tiene poder. ¿Quién lo tiene entonces? Lo tiene un estado profundo que controla las alcantarillas. Y desde ellas controla todas las demás palancas: ejército, judicatura, medios de comunicación, grandes empresas, políticos o policía. Y por supuesto, la monarquía. Que no falte.

El problema no es Hasél. Es una consecuencia del problema. El verdadero elefante en la habitación es que el estado español está en manos de ese estado profundo que está atravesado por las mismas ideas reaccionarias del franquismo. El estado es un franquismo con un barniz democrático. Y esto no lo puede cambiar ni el PSOE ni Podemos por mucho gobierno que tengan.

El auge de la ultraderecha en España significa que de alguna manera se les ha descontrolado el rebaño y que toca sacar a los perros. La cuestión nacional catalana de la última década provocó la aparición paulatina de este nuevo actor político que domina el país, la Justicia. Este actor se encarga de legislar, de opinar y de marcar claramente la agenda política del estado. Y este actor se retroalimenta con el bombardeo mediático con ciertos temas, para educar a la población. Lo hacen, por ejemplo, cuando hablan de ojos perdidos en vez de mutilados,cuando no hablan de la violencia ejercida por el Estado mediante la policía o cuando desvían la atención de la raíz del problema poniendo en el centro del debate una definición perversa de civismo.Las instituciones también alimentan este bombardeo planteando como , ahora sí, urgente una reforma del código pelnal que hace meses que se podria haber hecho, la derogación de la Ley Mordaza y un indulto para Hasél que, además de llegar tarde, no es más que una tirita y no una solución.

Se puso bien de manifiesto todo este asunto en el otoño de 2019, con la sentencia del Referendum. Y se pone de manifiesto ahora. A la Justicia española no le importa la ley, si no imponer un modo de vida acorde con sus principios. El resto no tiene cabida.

No entender que para avanzar hay que destapar todo esto, es seguir haciéndole el juego al estado postfranquista. La política catalana está en esta situación. Entienden cómo funciona el estado, pero luego llaman al orden. No quieren que se les queme la barraca. Protestas sí, pero pacíficas. Feminismo sí, pero sin perder privilegios. Ira sí, pero contenida. Cuatro gritos y para casa. Quien tiene esta lógica no aspira a cambiar nada, sino a participar de la gestión de lo actual. No hacer nada, como desearían los políticos de izquierdas o los catalanistas, es permitir que se normalicen situaciones como estas y que vayan a más.

La rabia e indignación aparecen como brotes aislados. Cuando son compartidos por la población no hace falta ningún manifiesto. Basta un contenedor en llamas y miles de personas – no sólo en Catalunya si no en todo el estado – entienden el mensaje. Los y las jovenes entienden que hay que enfrentar esta realidad, las mujeres jovenes ya no aceptan quedarse en la retaguardia. No solo por Pablo Hasél si no por nuestro futuro como personas libres.

Así que hay que incidir en los mensajes que se están dando estos días, por que erosionan la credibilidad del estado. Y el mayor de los mensajes es la defensa de las libertades en la calle por todos los medios que sean necesarios. Lo mejor de nuestro pueblo se la juega cada noche. Y es necesario que como sociedad les demos todo nuestro apoyo en estos días y los que vendrán. Es necesario que nos solidarizemos con las detenidas y las heridas.

Exijimos la libertad de Pablo, y de todos y todas las presas políticas, la puesta inmediata en libertad de todas las personas detenidas, la disolución de la BRIMO yla caída de la monarquía y del estado fascista. Solo a partir de aquí, podemos construir otra cosa.

#PabloHaselLlibertat #LlibertatPabloHasel #LibertadPabloHasel #StopFoam

A look at the current housing crisis in Aotearoa/New Zealand.

Capital is dead labour, that vampire-like, only lives by sucking living labour, and lives the more, the more labour it sucks ~ Karl Marx

There is no greater condemnation of capitalism than its inability to provide adequate housing for those who build the houses and create all the wealth — the working class. It is very difficult to get figures on the number of people without a home in New Zealand, but most estimates put it about 1% of the population or about 50,00 people.

The ruling class explanation for the problem will point to shortages of affordable housing, the sale of state housing, investment speculation in housing, poorly planned urbanisation, as well as poverty and unemployment. They will also try blaming the victims, arguing that people experiencing homelessness are in some way individually incompetent. But what is not mentioned is that the effects of capitalism mean that the poorest people cannot afford housing, and end up homeless due to the inequalities caused by our capitalist where housing is built for profit and not for need.

The media likes to talk about the “crisis” of housing, but the use of the term “crisis” implies that housing insecurity and homelessness is abnormal, a temporary variation from an acceptable standard. But for working-class people on low-income, the “housing crisis” and fear of homelessness has been the norm throughout history. Even in the beginnings of capitalism in England, peasants were kicked off their land and forced into the crowded cities to sell their labour to the new factories to survive, with the resulting problems of slums, and homelessness. In New Zealand, the dispossession of Māori from their land yielded the same results. In fact, in some ways, the fear of homelessness helps capitalism maintain its power. Homelessness is a warning to potentially rebellious workers as to what the future could hold if they don’t toe the line.

So where does housing insecurity and homelessness come from? The answer is simply that most people cannot afford decent housing; and if people can’t afford comfortable houses, then, following the laws of the market no such accommodation will be built for them. No builder is going to put up houses he can’t sell. In a Guardian article on New Zealand housing, economist Shamubeel Eaqub explained, “There is never a market for poor people, it is not profitable to build houses for poor people,” and in 2019, the then housing minister Phil Twyford, said it had been difficult to attract private developers to build smaller, more affordable homes when they had previously focused on large and expensive construction projects.

Today, New Zealand house prices are among the most unaffordable in the world, with Auckland the seventh most expensive city in the world to buy a home, and all three major cities considered “severely unaffordable.” Nowhere in New Zealand can someone who works 40 hours a week at minimum wage afford to live in a one-bedroom apartment at an average market rent, and even people on the median wage can’t afford to buy in the main population areas, putting further pressure on rents.

The political parties and newspaper pundits are all talking about the various ways they think the housing problem can be fixed through government action as if somehow the housing situation is a development that has only arisen through governmental mismanagement of the economy. They display an ignorance or wilful misunderstanding of the realities of a capitalist system. The home-owner, in their capacity as a capitalist, has not only the right but, because of competition on the market, even a duty to ruthlessly make as much as they possibly can out of their property. In such a society the housing shortage is no accident: it is a necessary institution and can only be abolished if the whole social order from which it derives is fundamentally refashioned, and there are a lot of vested interests in keeping prices rising. Politicians, including the current prime minister, seem scared of disrupting home-owner voters and property developers who are reliant on inflated asset prices, and many of our politicians themselves are landlords and property investors (The 2020 register of MP’s pecuniary interests showed that of 120 MPs, a total of 78 – own, or have interests in, two or more properties.

One economist has estimated that New Zealand is short of about 500,000 low-cost dwellings. This has proved a boon for landlords, sending rents skyrocketing, but the fly in the ointment is that the housing market would collapse if shelter was plentiful and affordable for everyone. Ardern’s Government pays lip service to fixing the shortage, but the political will is lacking to deal with the problem properly. Meanwhile, the wait for a state house is at a record high under Labour and homelessness figures continue to climb around the country. Ardern nailed her centrist’s colours firmly to the mast shortly before Christmas, saying people expect their housing assets to continually rise in value, and it is ridiculous to think this government can be pushed to the left and launch into a mass building project.
The current government is building new state houses, but the numbers are way under what is required: about 4,000 were built in Ardern’s first term, and although they are committing to building more over the next few years, this is on such a small scale it will hardly be noticed. The waiting list of families most severely in need has tripled under Labour’s watch and stands at about 20,000 and continuing to grow. The government plans on building just 1,600 new houses (just over 100 being state houses) per year – the same number built by National in its last term. This is typical of Ardern’s style of government. The talk of compassion, kindness, “Team 5 Million” all disappear when it comes under the influence of private interest and competition.

By now it should be clear that capital and the State, is neither able nor willing to do anything to remedy the housing crisis. They simply do not want to abolish the housing shortage, even if they could. At most, we will see measures of token assistance carried out to give the impression of caring and doing something. As long as capitalism continues to exist it is naive to hope for a separate solution to the housing question, or of any other question relating to the conditions of workers. Any changes to legislation or reallocation of public funds only last as long as they’re financially viable. Tinkering with the system hasn’t made it work in the interests of the vast majority. The only solution lies in the abolition of capitalism and the appropriation of all means of subsistence and production by the working class itself. We need to go from a society where land and resources are owned by a minority to one where they are owned by everyone in common. Houses would be built, goods would be produced and services would be run directly because people need and want them. The financial market would no longer be there, rationing and restricting who gets what. No longer would it be profitable for a property owner to leave housing empty and rake in the profits from its rise in value (A total of 196,506 homes were left unoccupied across the country at the 2018 census, according to Stats NZ).

In the meantime though, we must continue to find ways to get the homeless shelter and support community-based organisations that are working to that end. We need to demand that no one has a right to more houses than they need, support squatting, land invasions and takeovers of unused buildings, and take mass action to put pressure on the bosses and rulers to provide housing of decent quality, while all the time emphasising that homelessness is an inevitable outcome of capitalism. Working-class people have always taken direct action to protect themselves when it comes to housing. Here is a historical example in Aotearoa during the early 1930s:

“In Auckland, an Anti-Eviction League was formed, whose members occupied and barricaded houses under threat of eviction, rallied neighbours for support, and prevented the bailiffs gaining access. In a number of cases, these tactics were successful in saving a family’s home, or at least gaining a respite. The climax of the campaign came in October 1931 at 21 Norfolk Street, Ponsonby, where 15 armed defenders faced the combined strength of police and bailiffs.

The tenant of this house was a woman with five young children, who had been deserted by her unemployed husband. After the rent had remained unpaid for 11 weeks, the landlord obtained an eviction order, but members of the Anti-Eviction League took over the house, nailed down the windows, and tied banners to the verandah posts reading ‘No work, No Rent’ and ‘Stop the Evictions’. A red flag was hoisted from the roof.
After some preliminary skirmishes with the bailiffs, a strong force of police arrived on the scene. Using crowbars they broke down the front door and arrested the occupants who surrendered their home-made weapons: wooden batons, iron bars and lengths of piping. The bailiffs then entered and moved all the family’s furniture into the street. A crowd of up to 500, who had booed the police and cheered the anti-evictionists, now took up a collection for the mother and her young children. ‘Never mind, we’re not beaten yet’, she called out when a woman from Ponsonby Road offered her a temporary home” (From Toil & Trouble, Roth/Hammond (Auckland, 1981, p. 120)

Direct action and solidarity amongst those of us at the bottom, is something just as valid today.

We need to get across the revolutionary idea of property as theft in a society which is completely obsessed with owning and profiting from property. We can challenge this culture by explaining how the major property capitalists, lie at the heart of both our homelessness problem and the unaffordability of housing for most working-class people and how a challenge to the whole property system remains the only way of escaping from the current residential mess towards building an economy of housing built for those in need.

(A big shout out to our good comrade Sarah for the artwork)

A fine novembre 2020, il consiglio regionale lombardo ha emanato una risoluzione – la 40/2020 – avente come oggetto la “Risoluzione concernente il Recovery Fund: proposte per la definizione del piano nazionale di ripresa e resilienza PNRR” e ovviamente riguardante gli investimenti della quota spettante alla regione del Recovery Fund europeo, pari a 35 miliardi di Euro.

A fine novembre 2020, il consiglio regionale lombardo ha emanato una risoluzione – la 40/2020 – avente come oggetto la “Risoluzione concernente il Recovery Fund: proposte per la definizione del piano nazionale di ripresa e resilienza PNRR” e ovviamente riguardante gli investimenti della quota spettante alla regione del Recovery Fund europeo, pari a 35 miliardi di Euro.

Scorrendo i capitoli di spesa, salta subito all’occhio come al potenziamento della sanità sono state riservate le briciole, così come al potenziamento del trasporto pubblico locale, ovverosia i due principali punti di criticità rilevati durante la pandemia, rimarranno con il cerino in mano ancora una volta. Nella risoluzione la salute occupa l’ultimo posto del documento e, dietro a dichiarazioni di rafforzamento di un servizio sanitario universalistico, si parla principalmente di interventi sulla digitalizzazione e sul miglioramento tecnologico, mentre non vengono nemmeno menzionati i necessari rafforzamenti della medicina territoriale, del piano USCA per la continuità assistenziale, né tantomeno di un potenziamento del personale, che soprattutto in quest’ultimo anno è stato sottoposto ad una mole di lavoro inaccettabile, sebbene imprevista. Si parla di riforme indispensabili al buon funzionamento del SSR, ma intanto rimane vergognosamente in vigore la legge regionale voluta da Maroni che di fatto equipara la sanità pubblica e quella privata, dirottando la maggior parte dei fondi disponibili verso la sanità privata equiparata.

Voci recenti danno per certi investimenti voluti dal ministero dell’economia e che vedrebbero destinati alla sanità nazionale 18 miliardi di euro per opere di ammodernamento dei servizi ed edilizia sanitaria. Ovviamente, essendo la sanità materia appannaggio delle regioni, in Lombardia rimarrebbe in vigore la legge regionale di cui sopra, che drenerebbe gran parte degli investimenti verso strutture private; mentre siamo pronti a scommettere che non vi saranno opere di ristrutturazione e di recupero per ciò che concerne l’edilizia sanitaria, ma la creazione di nuovi poli ospedalieri ai quali poi mancherebbero i presidi di medici ed infermieri, come già ampiamente dimostrato dal progetto dell’ospedale allestito da Fontana, Gallera e Bertolaso nei padiglioni ex Expo.

Per ciò che concerne il trasporto, vengono privilegiate come sempre le grandi opere stradali e ferroviarie, soprattutto quelle inerenti le tratte che interesseranno le olimpiadi invernali del 2026, vero e proprio eventificio che già sta devastando il paesaggio montano e che da qui ai prossimi cinque anni dirotterà una quantità enorme di denaro pubblico. Molto spazio verrà dato anche per potenziare i servizi ferroviari per collegare i nuovi luoghi della gentrificazione e i mega centri commerciali (leggasi Rho ed Arese), mentre il trasporto locale che muove la maggior parte degli studenti e dei pendolari è rimasto nuovamente con il cerino in mano e, a livello metropolitano, i fondi verranno usati soprattutto per il completamento della linea 4 della metropolitana. Niente andrà a potenziare i mezzi di superficie, né i collegamenti interregionali, da sempre veri e propri carri bestiame negli orari di punta. Invece di queste azioni, viene ipotizzata una nebulosa “domanda pubblica intelligente”, il cui fine ultimo è una nobile gratuità dei mezzi pubblici per neutralizzare le disparità sociali, ma i cui mezzi per arrivarci non è dato conoscere.

Il documento poi ha una parte corposa dedicata alla Green Economy, pomposamente intitolata “Rivoluzione verde e transizione ecologica”, entro la quale si evince che la transizione ecologica è considerata quasi esclusivamente dal lato economico e profittevole e quasi mai da quello di tutela e salvaguardia del bene comune e della salute pubblica. Basti pensare che la parte del gigante la farà l’economia circolare, ovverosia la volontà di chiudere virtuosamente il ciclo dei rifiuti e della fertilizzazione del suolo tramite digestato naturale (scarto della produzione del biogas), che di fatto porterà ad una sorta di oligopolio di grosse società che gestiranno tutte le varie fasi dei cicli di lavorazione, ottimizzando le spese e danneggiando la già scarsa biodiversità dell’ecosistema lombardo.

Vi sono poi molte contraddizioni evidenti, come la creazione di piste ciclabili e la disincentivazione del traffico veicolare privato che cozzano con lo sblocco dei cantieri previsto dal piano Lombardia del maggio 2020 e a causa del quale molti sindaci e diverse consorterie sono già andate in regione a battere cassa per poter cementificare e far ripartire l’economia locale tramite l’edilizia (si veda come esempio la costruzione dell’autostrada Cremona-Mantova, che diverrà l’ennesima cattedrale nel deserto); o ancora, la volontà di creare dei veri e propri boschi urbani quando solo pochissimi anni fa palazzo Lombardia (sede della regione) è stato costruito radendo al suolo il bosco di Gioia ; oppure il bosco denominato “La Goccia”, nel nord di Milano, già al centro delle mire di società immobiliari che già stanno gestendo la gentrificazione degli ex scali ferroviari milanesi, con il beneplacito dell’amministrazione Sala.

Detto anche di una larghissima fetta di denaro che andrà investita in innovazione digitale e quindi reti 5G regionali e completa digitalizzazione della P.A. per snellire la burocrazia (promessa questa che torna ad ogni tornata elettorale o ad ogni elargizione di denaro da parte dell’Europa), rimane da dire della scuola, anch’essa interessata dalla “rivoluzione digitale” e che vedrebbe portate avanti delle questioni già ampiamente trattate dalla riforma Gelmini in avanti, ovverosia una domanda didattica al passo coi tempi e che vede materie riguardanti innovazione e digitalizzazione a prendere spazi dedicati a studi più umanistici e formativi e il proseguimento della partnership tra scuola e aziende, arrivando a paventare anche “l’insediamento di uffici di lavoro presso i plessi e i comprensori scolastici” (paragrafo 1.4.2) il che segnerebbe la fine della funzione storica della scuola come di un istituto atto a formare la persona adulta, divenendo solo uno strumento di reclutamento di personale da parte delle aziende, che potranno disporre di lavoratori a costo zero e sostituibili anno dopo anno.

Perfino le politiche di pari opportunità vengono svilite e ridotte a mera questione economica; ad esempio l’inclusione sempre più ampia delle donne nel mondo del lavoro ( o meglio, dell’imprenditoria femminile) contribuirebbe in maniera determinante alla crescita economica (paragrafo 1.5.1) e oltretutto ammanterebbe il mondo imprenditoriale di una patina progressista che in realtà è una foglia di fico che copre uno sfruttamento del plusvalore sempre maggiore.

Come si vede la risoluzione è ammantata di buoni propositi, ma alla fine è un mero sdoganamento del neoliberismo più sfrenato e dello sfruttamento delle risorse umane e ambientali. Sarebbe però ingeneroso intestare tutto ciò solo alla Lega. Anzi, la delibera è passata con 69 voti favorevoli su 69 consiglieri presenti in aula ed è anzi il PD ad intestarsi la vittoria, dapprima essendosi battuto per il recovery fund e poi per avere appoggiato appieno tutte le richieste arrivate dall’Unione Europea in sede di erogazione del maxi prestito.

Giova infatti ricordare che da un po’ di tempo l’UE è vista come una forza progressista che si oppone ai vari populismi nazionalisti e a volte anche alla grosse multinazionali statunitensi e asiatiche, ma rimane invece uno strumento della borghesia estremamente funzionale al capitalismo. Se a volte può sembrare che sviluppi forme economiche vicine al welfare, in realtà non lo fa per principi di equità e di giustizia sociale, ma per cercare di garantire una politica dei consumi estremamente importante per il grande capitale finanziario. Basti pensare appunto che il recovery fund è stato voluto per ovviare ai danni che la pandemia sta causando, ma i suggerimenti sui capitoli di spesa che l’Unione stessa ha fornito riguardano solo uno sblocco economico, senza nessuna ricaduta sulle questioni sociali e sanitarie.

Ancora una volta quindi il “modello lombardo” è lo specchio fedele del volere del capitale, facilmente esportabile in ogni altro territorio e subdolamente ammantato di ecologismo, mutualismo e femminismo per renderlo più facilmente difendibile. Ovviamente i movimenti si sono già espressi e non si faranno certamente raggirare da questa patina progressista, ma il grande magma di persone che, lontane dalla militanza, auspicano però un mondo con eguali diritti per tutti, potrebbero farsi traviare da questa narrazione tossica che in ultima analisi non mette in discussioni le radici delle disuguaglianze civili ed in più colpisce forte i diritti sociali. E’ in questo magma che bisognerà muoversi per disvelare la vera natura degli interventi economici come il recovery fund e le politiche locali e nazionali che andranno a decidere come e quando bisogna spendere questi soldi.