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H.O.P.E. – Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act

category central america / caribbean | imperialism / war | non-anarchist press author Tuesday May 15, 2007 10:54author by Ben Terrallauthor email bterrall at igc dot org Report this post to the editors

Defending Labor Rights in Haiti

New legislation in Washington D.C., under the acronym H.O.P.E. – short for “ the Haitian Hemispheric Opportunity through Partnership Encouragement Act,” has the goal of promoting the garment industry in Haiti.
protestas_13_febrero_2006_19b.jpg

But the legislation falls noticeably short in protecting labor rights or promoting long-term sustainable economic development that will benefit the poor as well as the rich.

The Washington Post editorialized about the bill: “After 15 years of political turmoil, violent unrest and economic mismanagement, this looks like a rare opportunity to consolidate tentative progress in Haiti. Congress shouldn't miss it.” But Tom Ricker, Latin America specialist with the Washington, DC based Quixote Center, disagreed: “Right now Congress has many opportunities to make a sustainable contribution to progress in Haiti, but the HOPE act is not one of them. The bill may create a few low-paying and precarious sweatshop jobs, but it will also reinforce a flawed model of development that has been failing Haitians for two decades.

As Ricker elaborated, keeping Haiti competitive would mean sacrificing labor rights for jobs that have no guarantee of staying in the country: “A temporary expansion of tariff-free access for third country fabric does not solve the underlying problem. Indeed, by placing so much emphasis on apparel HOPE actually deepens economic insecurity in Haiti, instead of alleviating it.” While the high unemployment in Haiti has led to the destitution of many, Haitian labor organizers told this author that what they really need is a sustained period of peace and stability.

Ricker and others point to the need to revitalize Haiti’s rural economy while protecting and ensuring labor rights. According to Brian Concannon, Director of the Institute for Justice and Democracy in Haiti, “HOPE has some worker protection provisions, but they are toothless, and if past is prologue, they will do nothing to address the widespread exploitation of Haitian workers. It may be true that some workers make $4US per day, but more make closer to the minimum wage of $2. That minimum wage is far below the minimum wage of the late 1980's and early 1990's,when the country hosted many times more manufacturing jobs. It does not support even two people at the average level of subsistence in Haiti ($1US or below), which is itself brutal. Even $4 per day does not, after paying for a family's food, lodging and transportation to work, leave much left over to pay school fees and otherwise break the cycle of poverty.

Concannon added, “All the HOPE proponents justify the Act by the benefits it provides Haitian workers; but I have yet to hear of any workers who were consulted about the bill, or who are themselves promoting it … Haiti's only real edge is the exploitability of its work force, which is not a foundation for long-term growth.

Officials of the Confederation des Travailleurs Haïtiens (CTH) say that they were not consulted by the Préval government. Prior to the election of the Préval government, the interim government brought about a neoliberal economic framework, the Cadre de Coopération Intérimaire (CCI), in which workers and popular organizations were also not consulted. Thousands lost their jobs in the IMF backed austerity measures.

Dan Beeton, International Communications Coordinator for the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) in Washington D.C., argues, “HOPE is part of the same old ‘free trade’ model of development. What Haiti needs is a real development strategy that it can pursue unimpeded by the U.S. or anyone else, with a diversification of the economy and mechanisms to help ensure that more revenue stays in the country.

But in that process, Concannon notes, “one of the most important things international supporters of human rights in Haiti need to stay focused on is supporting workers' rights.

Haitian Trade Unionists



One Haitian labor group deserving of international solidarity is the CTH. In an earlier form, in 1959, the union was founded during the dictatorship of “Papa Doc” Duvalier and remains one of the most well known unions in Haiti.

While many unions in Haiti have become closely tied with foreign donor agencies, CTH has promoted a sovereign agenda, protesting against neoliberal policies of privatization. It has widely promoted labor rights for jobs across the rural and urban sectors. Organizing on a progressive and collective model its federations range from education, transportation, the ports, garment industry, artisan work and the informal sector. The Confederation is also involved in economic development programs, as well as literacy and health programs. It claims a total membership of 110,000 people.

A recent labor delegation to CTH offices in Port-au-Prince viewed hundreds of young people engaging in language courses. The Confederation, with two offices in Port-au-Prince, is present with offices in all of Haiti’s ten departments. CTH is a member of the regional CLAT (La Central Latinomericana de Trabajadores), CTC (Consejo de Trabajadores del Caribe), and the ITUC (International Trade Union Confederation).

In an interview during the interim period, CTH General Secretary Paul "Loulou" Chéry explained, "It is a crisis without precedent. Our population has not known a situation this grave since the founding of the country… The majority of the population has been plunged into misery, and exclusion. At the level of the workers, there is hopelessness, as there are practically no jobs. There is, maybe, 15% of the population who are truly employed […] At this point, the de facto government is conducting a witch-hunt. They are creating a situation of terror, a situation of fear, of systematic repression. This repression has resulted in the killing of thousands of people since the execution of the coup."

CTH organizers describe how labor conditions deteriorated rapidly following the 2004 coup d'état that overthrew President Aristide. Hundreds of their workers were persecuted, thrown in jail and thousands of public sector workers were fired from state jobs. Many workers within CTH's federations had their vehicles and places of work targeted by arsonists from the ex-military and anti-government opposition. Shortly after the coup, Chéry had a death squad enter his home and threaten him with death.

Prior to the coup they explain the embargo on international aid against the elected government also created economic decline, as it pushed away investors and harmed the ability of the government to carry through on its promises. But the elected Aristide government, they observe, even under these conditions backed a raise in minimum wage and various programs benefiting poor urban laborers. Today they maintain their independence from any political party but describe respect for democracy as a necessity. They describe how they refused to join the Group of 184 campaign, in which foreign donor backed labor groups cooperated in a wide destabilization campaign.

CTH workers want a functioning country, in which they can organize and improve their lives. Dan Beeton summed up why US citizens should support the ongoing organizing efforts of Haitian trade unionists:

"Throughout Haiti's history, the U.S. has usually been a bad neighbor, invading and occupying the country several times, propping up dictators, and at times blocking economic assistance to the country. A number of economically damaging policy prescriptions have originated in Washington as well, including privatization of state industries and the promotion of export processing zones that hamper the development of Haitian industry and generate little revenue…Considering the history of the U.S.' relationship with Haiti, Americans owe it to the Haitian people to support their right to organize independent trade unions and advocate for policies that will foster real and lasting economic development."

Related Link: http://www.haitianalysis.com
author by Lisa Richardpublication date Fri Jun 15, 2007 01:16author email moncourrier at moninbox dot comauthor address author phone Report this post to the editors

In 1989, the organized peasant groups involved at Jean Rabel put out an important 107-paged document called “Yon ti limyè sou evènman Jan Rabèl yo” (“Light Shed on the Events at Jean-Rabel”). In this publication, the accomplice role played by CATH-CLAT, particularly through its peasant association, FENATAPA (National Federation of Agricultural Workers and Haitian Farmers), in the massacre is clearly spelled out.
Here are some excerpts:
“The big landowners used the FENATAPA/CATH-CLAT structure to defend the State lands they took in the localities of Kolèt and Mòn Bourik against the Lamontay and Soval base groups (September – October 1986). Its plantations administrator Jacques (Nono) Lucas was a founding member and later Vice-President of the so-called ‘Jean-Rabel promotion committee’ that intervened on the national radio supposedly in the name of the population…”
“Father Wilner Doneciar, vicar of the Jean-Rabel parish and founding member of this same Promotion Committee, also national chaplain of the JOC (Catholic Worker Youth), used his influence to recruit people for the CATH-CLAT session that was held in Port-au-Prince in July 1986 to form FENATAPA. On the day of the massacre, July 29th, as the survivors were fleeing the military intervention, they looked back towards the scene and saw fire and black smoke: it was the meeting spaces and offices of Gros Bassin and Lacoma that had been set afire with the blessing of the army and the local Catholic Church hierarchy: the General Vicar, Boniface Fils-Aimé, was present, in the field, at the moment.”
“FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT and the Promotion Committee were the base groups’ rival organizations in Jean-Rabel, acting in favor of the massacre. Both appeared after February 7th, 1986, taking advantage of the democratic ambiance to try to haul people behind them. Officially, FENATAPA was set up in July 1986 as an offshoot of CATH-CLAT. It functioned much with the Leslie Manigat headed RDNP (Rassemblement des Démocraties Nationaux Progressistes). Many FENATAPA cadres never hid their devotion to Manigat: they wore his t-shirts and distributed his pictures. On December 31, 1986, during his tour to set up the party in the North-West, Manigat especially visited a FENATAPA cadre in Lacoma. FENATAPA’s tactic was to take a few of the local demands so as to attract the people and then go negotiate with the power in place. This dealing was based on the basis that they had to unite to fight communism, a danger for both. The Promotion Committee they collaborated with was an organization the macoutes set up; although right after 1986, they pretended to be anti-macoute, but quickly the initial committee was changed. This Committee was amongst the first local delegations to go visit Namphy in the National Palace. They also greeted him when he visited Jean-Rabel on June 14th. They visited him again after the massacre.
The Tèt Ansanm Base Groups didn’t agree to become CATH-CLAT unions, as the FENATAPA leader wished. That’s why FENATAPA was against these base groups who furthermore refused to recognize the authority of the Jean-Rabel Promotion Committee, purported representatives of the entire local population.
“What they did:
1. Promising motorcycles, FENATAPA attempted to corrupt Tèt Ansanm members so they would be part of the union.
2. FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT created tension amidst the small peasants, setting one against the other. In Colèt, they allied with the big landowners to chase the small peasants in Lamontagne, who were in majority Tèt Ansanm members, from the state-owned lands they had been working historically as sharecroppers or land renters.
3. They did much anticommunist propaganda against the peasant movement.
4. They requested that Father Jean-Marie Vincent have all association members be a part of FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT, without even asking their opinion.
5. They wrote to several associations saying that this had been agreed upon: the union of the Tèt Ansanm groups eith the CATH-CLAT union.
6. At the end of 1987, Amilton Anilis, cadre of FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT, sent a letter to the Tèt Ansanm cadres, threatening them and warning them that “a great catastrophe was dangling before them”.
7. Head members of FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT in Lamontagne, Laréserve and Colèt were very active in the attack against the Tèt Ansanm groups at the end of June, the beginning of July 1987 and during the massacre of the week of July 23rd.
8. On the very day of July 23rd 1987, an ISUZU CATH-CLAT pick-up truck, bearing the license plate H-9917, dropped off Prosper Jeantihomme half-way up to Lamontagne. He was coming from a meeting in the town of Jean-Rabel. Prospere Jeantihomme was a main actor in the massacre of the peasants at Lamontagne.
9. After the July 23rd 1987 massacre, the Promotion Committee rushed to officially take position on the radio against the peasant associations.
10. It further went to various peasant groups meeting places to tell them the only solution for peace in the community was elections.
11. CATH-CLAT then organized celebrations and sessions in various localities to assemble people and invite them to take part in FENATAPA unions, so as to protect themselves. In one specific festivity, national representatives of CATH-CLAT Port-au-Prince were present. On the last day, Leslie Manigat came through for the closure.

“Also:
The Promotion Committee was a part of setting up CATH-CLAT in the region. It used its local network: churches (catholic and protestant), JOC, CARE, and local authorities (CASE, chef seksyon). Doing this, it had no consideration of the morality of the leaders or cadres. This strategy allowed many macoutes to reconstitute their force within FENATAPA.
In October 1986, Elie Méhus, president of the Colèt CATH-CLAT, gather the union members to expulse to Lamontagne peasant association members from the lands they worked. After doing this, he entered the Jean-Rabel town with a peasant orchestra. Marcel Poitevien, who was a surveyor and sports monitor for the Ministry of National Eduction, gave them bread and a gallon of moonshine for this task. The contract was for the big landlords to allow FENATAPA to occupy a part of these lands on the condition that they would protect the rest of the lands. Thus, for the unions to divide from the Tèt Ansanm base groups.
The entire Promotion Committee welcomed Namphy at his June 14th 1987 visit, with the macoute presidential candidate Alphonse Lahens . The Committee accompanied Namphy and held a reception for him. This reinforced the macoute forces’ morale.
On July 24th 1987, during the week of the Jean-Rabel massacre, a big head of CATH-CLAT’s main responsible Port-au-Prince office and several FENATAPA Jean-Rabel cadres met with a past macoute head, Lucsen St-Vil, at the “Bienvenue Hotel” in Port-de-Paix. 3 days later, this same macoute commander took arms against the Cabaret peasant section (1rst rural section of Jean-Rabel). This is the same macoute commander who attacked the Canadian monsignor on September 24th 1987.
FENATAPA / CATH-CLAT and the local Kazè authorities used to meet together. On several occasions they acted as one.
Other allies in the massacre were: the USAID, CARE, the US embassy, Peace Corps and the Conservative Baptist Mission (Rev. Wallace Turnbull). The big landowners’ families were well nested in the US institution: Jean-Claud Lucas, the son of Joanel Lucas, headed USAID small projects; Roseanne Lucas Cayard, the daughter of Candelon Lucas, was secretary at the US consulate; Dorothy Lucas, also daughter of Candelon Lucas, was a Peace Corps volunteer; Carla Richardson, the sister of Jean-Michel Richardson, was an officer of the US army in a military base in Germany.

author by CTH is not batay ouvriye or CATHpublication date Tue Jun 26, 2007 15:10author address author phone Report this post to the editors

To the above poster. The CTH is different then CATH-CLAT. CATH was a supporter of the group of 184 and has been backed by the US State Department. CTH is a TOTALLY different trade union. CTH was against the 1991 coup and the 2004 coup.

CATH is the Conferation of Autonomous Haitian Workers (Haiti)
CTH stands for Confederation of Haitian Workers.

 
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