Brazil on Strike: Class Struggle in the Wake of the World Cup 17:54 Jun 18 0 comments
Nuevo paro agrario en Colombia 00:17 Apr 28 0 comments
Campaign to defend the “Autonomous Center” in Wuppertal, Germany 21:48 Apr 27 0 comments
Culmina el I Encuentro Internacional Cocalero 22:34 Apr 22 0 comments
“No al pacto, vamos a la cumbre” 17:09 Mar 15 0 commentsmore >>
Recent articles by Mazen Kalmamaz
Suriye Devrimi İçin Yeni Ufuklar 0 comments
Horizonnen voor de Syrische revolutie 0 commentsRecent Articles about Mashriq / Arabia / Iraq Community struggles
Συνέντευξη μ ... Aug 05 14
Horizons for the Syrian revolution
mashriq / arabia / iraq | community struggles | opinion / analysis Monday May 23, 2011 06:11 by Mazen Kalmamaz
The main features of the Syrian revolution are its youthful, spontaneous aspect, and the fact that it was created on the streets and is linked directly to the people. It is a revolution without centralized control, led by insurgent individuals. Consequently, no-one can claim to govern it or lead and the reason is simple: the young insurgents rose up spontaneously and there are no signs of participation by religious elements, whose ideas are extremely reactionary, or indeed by any other tendency. [العربية ]
Horizons for the Syrian revolution
Since the advent of the revolution, Syrian intellectuals and political analysts have been divided into two main opposing groups and one hesitant position which in practice and by force of things tends to veer towards one or other of the opposing groups. The first view sees the regime as a ray of light and that once the people are free of the totalitarian regime, they will sink into a civil war with ethnic and factional discord; only reprisals can prevent this outcome. The second view believes that the Syrian people are capable of living in freedom, that they merit it, and the only justification for reprisals by the regime is its determination to loot the country and appropriate power. Certainly it is this latter vision that is encouraging the young revolutionaries to take to the streets; these young rebels are convinced of their right to freedom, their ability to exercise it, and that freedom is the only way to a better life.
That alone explains the willingness of the young revolutionaries to make sacrifices and face reprisals from the regime, reprisals of unimaginable barbarism. Indeed, every day the security apparatus - essentially mercenaries of the regime - are behaving like thugs (Alcbihp)  starting with the humiliation of ordinary Syrians and ending with killing, when necessary. In addition the system is using tanks to suppress the citizens of Daraa and is trying to stifle their will by starving them. In other epicentres of the revolution, like Duma, Homs and Damascus, the repression takes on other, more mitigated aspects, with the regime contenting itself with the use of force. Elsewhere, the mercenaries are seeking to cover up the massacres carried out by the regime against the rebels and to deform the revolution of young Syrians with the aim of spreading the idea that the slogan of freedom is not the most important thing.
It is certain that the Syrian revolution was spontaneous and juvenile and continues to be so. It is true that it includes various factions representing the diversity of the street and young Syrians, but mostly the initiators are young and not influenced by ideology They have no dogmatic concept of freedom but rather a realistic view which implies that the totalitarianism of the regime is the only obstacle to freedom.
The main features of the Syrian revolution are its youthful, spontaneous aspect, and the fact that it was created on the streets and is linked directly to the people. It is a revolution without centralized control, led by insurgent individuals. Consequently, no-one can claim to govern it or lead and the reason is simple: the young insurgents rose up spontaneously and there are no signs of participation by religious elements, whose ideas are extremely reactionary, or indeed by any other tendency.
Between these opposing opinions there lie several intermediate ones, at times claiming neutrality (as was stated, for example, at the beginning of the uprising by the writer Nabil Saleh, founder of the ALJAMAL website), at other times raising the danger of ethnic conflict and religious extremism (nearly all those who prefer to stand halfway between the two main opposing opinions or between the regime and the people). Lastly, I can refer to what some have called "the danger of external intervention". Somewhat exaggerated, this is not a serious danger and is not based in reality. Thus the criticisms of imperialism on the regime's crackdown are empty of any meaning and avoid the fact that the imperialists' interests are related to the existence of the current regime and its totalitarian nature: the regime will simply be required to reform certain political positions and redress some of the more serious complaints that are jeopardizing it. The imperialists do not want freedom for the Syrian people as this goes against their interests. However, the day after an eventual triumph of the revolution, they can claim that they supported the rebellion against totalitarianism (this exterior action has been mentioned in several manifestos and statements, amongst which the manifesto of the central organ of Tim and some analysis by the Qasyon current ). These stances taken by the two main poles of the conflict have been accompanied by a call for national dialogue and even an attempt to create drafts of this dialogue.
It is quite obvious that the only way out of any crisis is national dialogue, but what sort of dialogue? Society is an amalgam of layers and very diverse social categories, especially the disadvantaged class, and of political and intellectual currents claiming to represent them all. More specifically in the case of Arab and Syrian uprisings, the majority of insurgents are young people who have stood up to demand freedom without being influenced by any ideology, system of thought or clear and definitive concept of the freedom that they chant for. This means that we do need a national dialogue between us, a dialogue that has been banned by the regime which has instead substituted its own unilateral institutions, a dialogue that will allow us to start a new life, to found a new Syria inspired by freedom, as the majority Syrian people today desire. As part of this vision of national dialogue, the regime's attempts to interfere seem incomprehensible, unless one takes into account the fact that it has a huge security apparatus and hired thugs (Alcbihp) that it is ready to use at any time to wipe out the uprising.
Socially, the regime is a rotten governing bureaucracy and any change (if we assuming that reform within the system is feasible) needs to take away its authority and the ownership of the means of production and put them into the hands of the whole of society; outside this view, any change is seen as a reform that is empty of any meaning and does not deserve to be called reform, even as a term of abusive. The regime seems unwilling to sacrifice or allow anyone to touch Rami Makhlouf  - or any of the various other masters of corruption - or the integrity of the repressive apparatus. It is even prepared to destroy the whole of Syria in order to maintain its authority and ownership of the means of production. This is diametrically inconsistent with real change or even symbolic reform. The regime does not represent any political or intellectual current: the level of the Ba'ath Party has declined to the point of no longer deserving the name party, in the serious sense of the word.
Even those who practice antagonistic, fundamentalist Sunni sectarianism, cannot consider the government as being representative of the Alawi ethnic group alone; in fact, this is a regime of individuals. These individuals must assume full responsibility for the looting and repression that Syria has suffered in recent decades, and certainly since 2000. The victims among Syria's citizens who have died since 18 March are also their responsibility - this is not a way to exclude one party but rather this is the core of the revolution. What is a revolution if it does not end the domination by the ruling class and the removal of the means of production from its hands? Al-Assad has grasped the truth when he said in his first speech since the uprising began that the conflict was open and he would not be blackmailed. Bashar's remarks were perfectly correct in saying that neutrality, which is another way of saying the search for intermediate solutions, was impossible in this conflict. Any serious way out of ending the repression and looting by the regime will necessarily lead to the fall of the regime; and any other solution will simply mean the defeat of the revolution and failure for the cause of freedom of the Syrian people.
This defeat would inevitably lead to the birth of a dark era of repression and excessive and unprecedented looting against any Syrian who is not part of the power, who participated in the revolution or took a neutral position. It would mean Syria sliding back into the Middle Ages. What the regime wants us to fear is exactly what it intends to do once it has destroyed the revolution; both the revolutionaries and the government are well aware that armistice is prohibited in this conflict, because it would mean a resumption of the initiative by the opposing party. Certain defeat lies in wait for any side that withdraws from the battle. No-one can direct the pulse of the revolution, because it is closely linked to that of the street. To instinctively be aware of this reality is to understand that the extinction of the revolution can be achieved only through barbaric repression, with massacres which will lead Syria into dangerous consequences for which the regime would have sole and total responsibility. Thus the role and importance of the media campaign that follows: it will support the perseverance of young or criticise their morals.
Getting back to the subject of dialogue, it is enough to recall here that it was an initiative of the leaders of the secret service and had begun between the pacifist Samira , Faiz Sara and Michel Kilo ; the day after this action, Samira was fired from her job because she dared to deviate from the official version of the uprising and Kilo was arrested - such was the fate of the first people who "began the national dialogue". The regime has met with a reluctance that is close to outrage every call for dialogue initiatives that also included conditions, related mainly to the regime. In most cases these calls are comparable to the ceasefire between both sides in a war.
Curiously these agreements are completely ignored by the side that is shooting, which is also the only side that has weapons and is aiming them at the others. I believe that the regime has conducted the dialogue it wanted and its results are clearly visible: we can see them well in Daraa, in Duma and in Homs; we can also see them in the savage repression and the decision taken by the regime to send its tanks into the epicentres of the uprising. The regime had pulled the plug on the voice of democratic leftists, internal opposition forces that had previously been counterbalanced the fundamentalists, Salafis and liberals to some extent on satellite channels; it had stopped Faiza Sara, Mahmoud Issa and some leaders of the Syrian Democratic People's Party, because of their interventions on satellite channels; this may play a negative role, although limited. Thus, the easiest prey for the regime is the democratic leftist opposition; and as in the era of absolute repression, only the fundamentalists and the religious establishment primarily, which has remained relatively free of any exclusion and has even persevered as the only institution that can coexist with the security order and bureaucratic system of the regime. Finally, if it is true - as we have heard - that comrade Fawwaz al-Haraki, a member of the Qasioun faction, was assassinated, this will have to be solemnly declared by the leaders of the Qasioun faction, so they will not deprive the communists this honour - that of the first Syrian communist to be martyred in the revolution of 2011.
The an-Nour and Qasioun currents are the largest that currently exist among the communists at present. The followers of the former are forced to accept their leaders' alliances with the regime, while the latter are relatively free from the results of this coalition. Qasioun denies any involvement of its members in the uprising, but this denial is only an attempt by its leaders not to disrupt the regime, and it is still possible to rejoin the train of the revolution if triumph seems imminent.
The position described above is shared by most communist leaders and Syrian leftists. It has its advantages and disadvantages: firstly it deprives the uprising of the joy of a heavy left presence, and it gives the regime - which is otherwise engaged in repressing the revolution - a certain softness in terms of its relationship with the Syrian left (we are talking with the revolutionary language of today - the front of the regime with the Syrian left). But this does not imply that the government, after crushing the revolution, will not later clamp down on all those who stepped outside the red lines set out for the factions of the left and the politicized elite. On the other hand, the cringing behaviour of leftist leaders will enable the broad masses of young people to engage in debate with fundamentalist leaders but only regarding the cause of freedom - no longer about fundamentalist, religious taboos, but the freedom of Syrians and of society. Moreover, the failure of the left's leaders to direct and participate effectively in the revolution, will enable the communist core and all those who believe in radical social change in the form of social revolution, to rebuild truly socialist relations based on the appropriation of the means of production by producers and of self-management through popular councils.
It is therefore not a case of reproducing Baathist "socialism", which was a model of bureaucratic state capitalism. As in the concept of the martyr comrade Fawwaz Al-Haraki, socialism must be understood as the initiator of participation in the revolution on the one hand, while on the other it must establish a dialogue with the young revolutionaries and must be a way out of the classic dogmatism of the Syrian left towards freedom, revolution and communist and socialist thinking. Normally, communist and leftist leaders, through their ideological discourses and their actions, are supposed to study the bases of revolution and identify ways to prepare for social revolution, cause it to break out and triumph over the ruling class. Alas, on the contrary we can see how these leaders do quite the opposite of this: they justify totalitarianism and maintain the dominance of the exploiting class.
01 May 2011
Translation by nmcn
Wed 20 Aug, 16:50
Palestine-Israel - a struggle that never ends between Zionist settler colonialism and the indigenous... 15:25 Sun 20 Jul 0 comments
The war on the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip continues for the 13th day. Demonstrations against Israeli warmongering continue both in Israel and throughout the world. All that Israel wants in this war that it has initiated is to thwart a Palestinian unity government and curb the peace agreements it might speed up. The danger of Hamas' surrender to the Palestinian Authority in the heels of its economic crisis has resulted from the actions of the new Egyptian government, which seriously threatens the project of splitting the Palestinians, something that Israel has invested extraordinary efforts in. Only the total collapse of Hamas rule in Gaza scares Israel more than that. However, due to internal problems among the Israel political elite and public opinion, the government refrained from revealing the true nature of the war, which is to stabilize independent Hamas rule in Gaza and prevent the need for Hamas to surrender to the Palestinian Authority of the West Bank. So, instead the Israeli government has exaggerated the reports about attacks against Hamas and is hiding the real agenda - the obstruction of Palestinian unity. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel, Turmoiled weeks that backfired Israeli efforts to ignite a third armed Intifada in... 01:59 Mon 07 Jul 0 comments
When the European pressure on Israel to compromise with the Palestinian elite collected momentum - already diminishing exports, Israel tried to take advanced of the kidnapped three settlers youth applying "plans from the drawer" trying to ignite armed Intifada. Nearly three weeks of propaganda based on lies (as if they are searching for the already known to them to be dead three youth) was all over the media. When lastly the bodies were "found", lies were exposed, and the harassments failed to ignite Intifada. The mounted hate crimes of the Israeli extreme right and murder of a Palestinian youth of the annexed East Jerusalem ignited an extreme response there and within the Palestinian regions within the 1948 borders. Vicious harassment of US-Palestinian youth - cousin of the murdered youth which was video typed became together with the video of the kidnapped cousin became viral all over the world and ignited solidarity demos all over the world. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel: In the Beitunia murder, the joint struggle again highlights the most important asp... 21:47 Wed 28 May 0 comments
Many objections were raised about the participation of Israelis in the non-armed struggle in the areas of Palestine occupied in the 1967 war. Some, mostly Palestinians, regarded it as a contribution to so called "normalization". Others claimed that Israeli activists should do their struggle within the Israeli population of the 1948 borders. Many anarchists raised reservations as the Palestinian popular struggle is a kind of capitalist "national independence struggle" for the self-determination of the Palestinian capitalist elite to monopolize the option for the exploitation of the Palestinian working masses - they just ignore the fact that most Palestinians wish for a bi-national democratic whole Palestine and not for a national Palestinian State. Others just do not take upon themselves the obligation to serve as a life-saving shield, as Israeli policy officially forbids the state forces to shoot to kill when Israelis are supposed to be among the demonstrators. Indigenous people struggle against settler colonialist transfer and marginalization is NOT the same as a national Bourgeoisie for "national independence" or "national self-determination". [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel, The joint struggle activists insist in the efforts to change the world* 22:02 Mon 19 May 0 comments
Week after week, on weekend and in the week-days to anarchists and other activists insist of leaning our Shoulders on the wheels of history that revolve too slow and push them as much as we can. There is not much of energy in the masses and many activists lost the urge to participate, but still many of us persist and join the meager efforts of the Palestinians who resist the advancing transfer efforts of the Israeli Zionist project and its state forces. The international solidarity activists who join us bring with them the echoes of world wide expanding support and the message that our struggle contribute a lot to it. The frustrated Israeli state forces continue their murderous efforts to extinguish the popular struggle adding live ammunition from time to time like the last week at the demo in Bitunia (near the Ofer concentration camp) but retreat under mounting international pressure. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel, The moment of truth is nearing, but short time considerations still block it* 04:25 Wed 07 May 0 comments
The mounting pressure of world imperial powers seems to cause a section of Israel capitalist elite to accept the compromise offered by the Palestinian elite. Another section still want to delay the deal either to enjoy the short term gains or to improve the deal. They think that they can delay the settlement till the November election in the US with out any risk. Mean time the creeping transfer efforts continue mainly in the C areas of the occupied west bank and the suppression of Palestinian popular rebellion. The popular struggle continue both to slow the creeping transfer and to recruit international pressure to quicken the end of occupation. The joint struggle in the south Hebron hill help the Palestinian farmers Tsumud (persistence), in he Sheik Jarakh it help to curb the transfer in the East of Jerusalem. In Bil'in, Ni'ilin, Qaddum, and Ma'asara it help to freeze the murderous suppression of the popular struggle at large.
Palestine-Israel, The joint struggle on the background of Israel preparation for withdrawal* 00:03 Wed 30 Apr 0 comments
The Israeli Zionist-capitalist elite start to feel that the point of a showdown is nearing fast. They already realized the total backup of the US is diminishing due to the change in its global interests and diminishing of its power... but it still gambling that dragging time may increase their gains in the sphere of lands grabbing and domination on the future Palestinian state. However, the painful understanding that they will not get all that they demanded all the time since the Oslo agreement is already here. The Palestinian ruling elites in the west bank and in Gaza too are on their compromising road as the Fatah old guard and the Hamas are now contemplating sharing the spoils. The joint struggle which contribute its share to the world wide mounting pressure on Israel to compromise continue in spite of the increasing pressure of Israel to put end to it.
Palestine-Israel, Though it seems lot of things are going to change soon - it is in a slow motion* 04:26 Wed 23 Apr 0 comments
The prolonged status quo between the Israeli ruling elite and the Palestinian elite reach a climax. Changes in the balances of power within the Israeli capitalist elite is still in slow motion, but you can feel the vibrations. The joint struggle of the Palestinian grass root activists and the Israeli radicals is not expanding, but the new wave of total refusnic military service of Israeli youth - which already passed the hundred seems promising. The joint struggle in Bil'in, Ni'ilin, Nabi Saleh, Qaddum, Sheikh Jarah, South Hebron Hills, Arkib (within Israel) and other places from time to time keep the flame in spite of the harsh repression. The involvement of Israeli Jews and to a lesser measure international activists still prevent a massive bloody massacre of the unarmed Palestinian demonstrators. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel The struggle and the joint struggle continue in spite of the stand still* 13:34 Mon 14 Apr 0 comments
May be it is because the Arabic Spring and the wave in the developed countries raised too much the hopes for change followed by disillusions. May be it was (like the big wave in Israel that mobilized about 10% of the population) a kind of releasing pressure valve... The struggle still continue, but the number of participants diminished and the moral of those who continue is not high. The smaller flame of hope for a radical change in our tortured home land is nourished by the change in the imperial power balance, the gradual withdrawal of the US from the region and the increasing pressure for change by Europe with the B.D.S. at its front. But, the joint struggle continue, and the gradual bunt out of many of the old timer activists of the anarchists against the wall is partly replaced by the new wave of total refusnics of mandatory military service for high school graduates and the activists of the anarchist-communist Ahdut. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel, The joint popular struggle continues to backdrop of "talks" that change nothing 18:23 Fri 04 Apr 0 comments
The joint struggle continues; even many activists have been "burned out" while waiting for short-term gains and victories. The advances in the international arena are paradoxically reducing the flame of most people in spite of the increase in suppression efforts by the anxious settlers and the Israeli authorities. The hard core of the activists continue their struggle in spite of the increased suppression, encouraged by every small success, by every tear grenade returned to the harassers, by every failure to cut a demonstration short. Bil'in, Ni'lin, Nabi Saleh, Ma'sara, the South Hebron Hills, and Sheikh Jarrah continue the weekly demonstrations in a stubborn mood of "tsumud" (persistence) - the long, long refusal to yield to the expulsion-transfer of the Zionist settler project. [Italiano]
Palestine-Israel, The joint struggle continue on back ground of an immanent crash of "negotiations* 02:35 Thu 20 Mar 0 comments
The political negotiations intended to prevent the involvement of international forums by the Palestinian ruling elite do not stop the joint struggle of popular movement which invigorate the B.D.S. efforts and the local non armed struggle. The increased suppression of the struggling communities and the transfer efforts in a choice location do not extinguish the flames of struggle and the persistent of the "Tsumud". Night raids in Ni'ilin, Bil'in, Nabi Saleh, and Qaddum, and arrests increase. The threats of dispersing the Friday demos with live ammunition towards the stone throwing Shabab is expressed from time to time by shots at youth legs. In Bil'in, the members of the Israeli anarcho-communist organization start to fill the gap resulted from the diminishing participation of the anarchists against the wall initiative. Our black and redNblack flags are accepted in a friendly mode. [Italiano]more >>
Sorry, no stories matched your search, maybe try again with different settings.
Blood-baath in Syria and proletarian direct action Feb 15 Class War Group 0 comments
Greetings to proletarians in struggle in Syria, Egypt, Tunisia... and all over the world!
Italian speaking tour of an Anarchist Against the Wall Apr 07 Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici 0 comments
From 5-15 April 2009, a member of Anarchists Against the Wall, Haggai Matar (well-known also for his anti-militarist work, since he was one of the first of the new wave of political objectors to military service), will be in Italy for a speaking tour with the dual aim of providing updates on the current situation in the struggle against the wall and the occupation, and of collecting funds for the activities of AAtW. If you can, please come to one of the events below. If you are unable to attend but you want to contribute to the work of AAtW, please log on to http://awalls.org/donations for details on how to do so. [Italian]
Anarchists Against the Wall and the Bil'in Popular Committee exemplify the nonviolent resistance to the Israeli-built "Separation Wall" on Palestinian land, as well as steadfastness in the diverse grass-root campaigns against the Israeli Occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Israel-Palestine: The murder of Ahmad Husam Yousef Mousa Jul 30 0 comments
Ahmad Husam Yousef Mousa, 10 years old, was murdered yesterday as he demonstrated together with his friends against the separation wall which is being constructed on the lands of his village Ni'ilin. When Ahmad and his friends reached the construction site the soldiers shot rubber bullets at them and they began to