Haiti and US domination/ Third period

1968 till now...
This period is most important. Many things happened in this period that were totally different from the previous periods. This was not abnormal. Imperialist domination was consolidating and the general situation of the social formation was reaching a more critical stage.
Two important conditions marked this period. The Haitian dominant classes, especially the bourgeoisie, totally aligned themselves with the Duvalier regime. This rallying happened in a period of extreme, extensive and consistent repression on the working class movement, as well as the progressive cultural movement between 1961 to 1965. Soon after, the repressive Duvalier regime organized another period of heightened repression against progressives and communists, from 1967 to 1969. The secondary contradictions existing between Duvalier and imperialism were slowly becoming resolved. The American government consolidated its relations with the regime. Imperialism resumed economic and military aid.

The third period
1968 till now...

This period is most important. Many things happened in this period that were totally different from the previous periods. This was not abnormal. Imperialist domination was consolidating and the general situation of the social formation was reaching a more critical stage. Two important conditions marked this period. The Haitian dominant classes, especially the bourgeoisie, totally aligned themselves with the Duvalier regime. This rallying happened in a period of extreme, extensive and consistent repression on the working class movement, as well as the progressive cultural movement between 1961 to 1965. Soon after, the repressive Duvalier regime organized another period of heightened repression against progressives and communists, from 1967 to 1969. The secondary contradictions existing between Duvalier and imperialism were slowly becoming resolved. The American government consolidated its relations with the regime. Imperialism resumed economic and military aid.

The Duvalier regime, bolstered by this new relationship, consolidated itself in its relations with the dominant classes.

Another important condition that had an effect on the social formation was the evolution at the international level. American imperialism was taking heavy blows at the international level from countries such as Vietnam, Cambodia, Chili: also, many other imperialist countries were regaining power after the second inter imperialist war. These imperialist countries gained more capacity to engage more aggressively in a new redefinition of peripheral countries under their domination. They were seriously questioning the hegemony of US imperialism. In addition, the emergence of Russian social imperialism was also questioning the hegemony of US imperialism in different part of the world. These new conditions had a pertinent effect on the relation of Haiti with other imperialist countries.

In general, from 1968 to 1980, Imperialist domination on the social formation became firmer. These countries continued to utilize the same mechanisms to dominate Haiti. They gave “aid” to the dominant classes, and they gave “aid” increasingly to the government. Historically, this aid was incomparable to any other periods in Haiti. Foremost, we need to point out firmly that this so-called aid had nothing to do with aiding Haiti. The aid only benefited the dominant classes and made them even more receptive to imperialist policies. This aid facilitated the penetration and domination of imperialism. Without this aid, the Haitian dominant classes would have been totally powerless. By the way, their powerlessness opened the door on many occupations. Without this aid, imperialism would not have been able to exploit our natural resources such as bauxite; they would not have been able to super exploit the working class. This aid was necessary for Haiti to balance its budget. This aid was important to solidify the State Apparatus in the interest of imperialism and the dominant classes. This aid was necessary to reinforce the dominated relations of the sycophant Haitian dominant classes, as well as the State apparatus to imperialism.

In reality, this aid didn’t really help us. Objectively it only made Haiti even more dependent. Whether this aid came under the cover of humanitarian help, even when they used natural disasters, even when in some conjunctures this aid maybe have been truly needed, but coming from imperialism, the conditions attached to them, in the long term, had far more negative consequences than the much needed short term.

Today, for Haitians to eat, the food has to be imported. The aid was a means to block the development of Haiti, by allowing the reactionary retrograde structure to maintain and reproduce itself. Imperialists used NGOs directly connected to imperialist institutions, such as Foods for the Poor, PAM (World Food Program) to actively pursue imperialist objectives in Haiti. Free food distributions were in direct competition with peasant agricultural production. One of its consequences was to create more unemployment and it also created more conditions for total dependency on imperialism. These types of aid were no solution at all. These types of aid, instead of helping, were chains keeping us in domination and totally blocking us from coming out of these abject conditions. WE HAVE 95 YEARS TO PROVE IT.

Imperialist investments increased starting in 1968, but this had a very negative impact on Haiti. They searched for oil, copper and other resources. Imperialism invested in factories, all assembly sweatshops.

It is important to point out that their investment in industry was and still is detrimental to the Haitian social formation. These sweatshops are only contributing to a stunted, totally dependent form of capitalism developing in Haiti. These factories are not connected to the economy as a whole. They have no relation to agriculture, no relation to other spheres of production. They are justly called assembly industries. Also, they are units of production extracting surplus value in the most exceptional inhumane way, not that there is a humane way of making profits. The wages paid correspond to slave labor. Workers are forced to labor in the most inhumane conditions. Their most basics human needs are being denied.

From Jean Claude Duvalier to all the Lavalas led (Aristide or Préval) governments in unison with the bourgeoisie, the only being peddled was the cheap labor Haiti had to offer. The surplus value extracted was not being reinvested in Haiti.

To think that sweatshops create jobs is only a political position propagandized to benefit the bourgeoisie and imperialism. In fact, sweatshops are fake employment. The workers sell their labor at far less its value. In Haiti today, for a family of four, a worker needs at least 500 gourdes ($12.50) per day to provide subsistence for his family. Just recently, the daily minimum wage was adjusted from 70 gourdes ($1.75) to 200 gourdes ($5), in violation of even the reactionary Haitian Labor Code’s cost-of-living adjustment provision.

Imperialism also invested in tourism. Club Med was one of their most well known resorts in Haiti.

They do have big plans to continue investing in tourism. Again, this type of investment is anti national. No creation of a support industry is planned. It is a model already proven to be a failure, a model of creating an oasis in the middle of a desert hell for the masses. Imperialism is forced to make investments it would rather not make, but in order to penetrate deeper in the country, it has to make these investments. The Haitian State Apparatus is not going to make this type of investment. It is sitting idle, favoring imperialism to make these types of investments.

Besides all these investments, banks are sprouting like mushrooms in Haiti. They are penetrating the countryside. With the intensification of domination, a lot of capital is circulating in Haiti. All of these banks are a neccessity. These banks also are not under the regulations of Imperialist countries. They are able to do international transactions.

For the past two decades, the monopolistic bourgeois fraction has formed conglomerates to acquire banking institutions. Two banking institutions were acquired during the reactionary, anti national, anti popular embargo demanded by Aristide, benefiting them during the occupation. All the capital to maintain the troops went through these financial institutions. All the funding of NGOs is passing through these institutions. All the Aid money is going into these banks.

Even if imperialist economic interests are accruing, they have to defend them. In reality these interest are not translating into the development of Haiti. They are investments made from an anti national objective. These investments are made in an atrophied economy. These investments are not geared to positively stimulate the economic potential of Haiti. For example, imperialists extracted bauxite, took the top soil exported it to Jamaica leaving Haiti with nothing when the bauxite had been exhausted. They even took the light bulbs when they were leaving. No processing plants are anywhere to be found to exploit our natural fruits. Instead, we have Coca Cola plants for local consumption.

All this capital circulating in Haiti only benefits the dominant classes, mostly the bourgeoisie. The masses can’t even smell that green, they only hear about it through the airwaves. On the contrary, they are paying heavily for this capital circulation. Inflation is forever increasing, the cost of living quadrupled in the past decade.

At the political level, domination increased and was consolidated. Since the 80’s, imperialism was objectively managing Haiti. The relation of the imperialist state to the Haitian state was stricter. The Haitian state apparatus was becoming increasingly more dependent. It was an objective de facto “mise sous tutelle”, a de facto protectorate. It was evident to many proletarian revolutionaries, since the mid 1980’s; the Haitian social formation was facing two alternatives. Due to the incapacity of the Haitian dominant classes and due to the failure of the State Apparatus, Haiti was facing two realities: occupation by imperialism or a take over by the popular masses, under the leadership of the working class, to defeat their dominant classes and change the course of Haiti from falling into the abysm.

US Imperialist influence remains dominant and hegemonic. The influence of other imperialist countries remains very weak. French influence has been slowly growing. France participated in the consolidation of the State Apparatus and the government. The role of France is coordinated under the hegemony of US imperialism. Of course, it is an inter imperialist struggle. The French function in a relative autonomy and are slowly growing their influence in Haiti.

In the January 12th, earthquake, French imperialism was quickly reminded, even in its relative autonomy, who the real boss was. France was stopped from taking any independent role. Their aid effort was stopped unless put under US hegemony.

One of the spheres of inter imperialist struggle is at the cultural level. French imperialism is using the existence of similarity at the level of culture to reclaim control. They are actively participating in opening schools in Haiti, as well as the US. In 1977, they founded the National Institute of Professional Formation. They opened a publishing company called Edition Caraibes. The French control the entire education system throughout Haiti. But with immigration, these inter imperialist competitions for influence in Haiti seems to be an uphill battle for the French. HBO is more accessible in Haiti; Hip Hop / Rap is fast growing. Frankly, from an imperialist world outlook, the French seem to be at the loosing end of this ongoing war of influence.

To understand imperialist domination in Haiti, it is imperative we look at it from two contradictory aspects that exist in unity:

1] The competition that exists among imperialist countries for influence and for hegemony. Sometimes this struggle is resolved through armed conflict or simply by taking over where another imperialist left off: Vietnam. Each imperialist country is in constant search to expand its zone of influence, but they are also aggressively in search of their little piece inside a social formation. The struggle for influence, at this time, is not antagonistic. The imperialist countries use bilateral agreements to get their piece of the pie: the French in Jacmel, Israel in Bas Bohen, Germany in Plaine du Nord. US imperialist participated in very shady business deal, in human blood trade, corpse trade, and urine trade. They tried to use and used Haiti as a dump for toxic waste. They use NGOs as a front to use the Haitian masses as guinea pigs for pharmaceutical experiments or for introducing their products in the Haitian markets. Powdered milk is better than a mother’s milk. Many Christian NGOs participated in contraceptive tryouts on women from the popular masses.
2] The unity existing amongst imperialists to dominate Haiti. They all have the same political project to dominate Haiti. They all coordinate their political practice while at the same time trying to be the lesser evil.
A] They all support the reactionary government, and even coordinate their actions. Both the French and American ambassadors were present at the departure of Jean Claude Duvalier. Both were present in the National Palace during the first coup against Aristide. Both tried to block the first election of Aristide and might have succeeded had it not been for the tenacity and the determination of the masses.
B] They all maneuver to consolidate the State Apparatus.
C] They all try to maintain a certain stability of bourgeois democracy, a sort of window dressing for the masses. The only form of participation of the masses is to look at it from outside a glass window as an illusion of democracy by putting a piece of paper in a box.
F] They all pressure the government to stop corruption, to regulate their administrative practices and push the government, promising or withdrawing “aid”, to adopt the policies they want.

These points, all from a proletarian problematic, show that no self determination can be achieved in Haiti if our struggle is not an anti imperialist, anti capitalist struggle. No international solidarity is worthwhile if it is not guided from an uncompromising anti imperialist stand.

Imperialist domination and the effect of domination on the classes.

The anti national nature of the Haitian dominant classes and their State Apparatus, as their political organization, enable and determine the imperialist domination of Haiti. It is important that we also look at the flip side of the coin, the pertinent effect of the domination on the classes in Haiti.

Since 1979, modifications were under way in the alliance between the Haitian dominant classes. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie leaned on the feudal landlords to achieve this consolidation and affirmation. This bureaucratic bourgeoisie, in 1980, was now leaning more and more on other fractions of the bourgeoisie, particularly on the comprador bourgeoisie. Imperialism played a role, a secondary role, in facilitating this new alliance.

The political practices of imperialism facilitated these new relations amidst the dominant classes. Imperialism renewed its support of the Duvalier regime in 1968. US imperialism initiated aid, started to coordinate its practices in Haiti, started reinforcing the state in the interest of the power block. Imperialism objectively consolidated the Duvalier’s government in its own interest, even if there were struggles amongst the Haitian dominant classes impeding bourgeois democracy and the implementation of bourgeois democratic rights, considering the weakness of the bourgeois democratic structure at the time, and considering that feudalism is not really too found of bourgeois democracy. This objective reality put Haiti on a constant state of crisis.

The massive aid, in fact, only served to sustain, in the mist of constant crisis, the dictatorship of the dominant classes over the popular masses, most particularly over the fundamental masses. Imperialism is obligated to give this support to the Haitian dominant classes and the state apparatus. Without it, the Haitian dominant classes cannot sustain their rule. It is clear since that time, that the country was facing an occupation. With all that aid, the Haitian dominant classes were clearly showing that they have mastered the concept of failure. They have adapted to the notion that capital accumulation is possible thru crisis management.

Imperialism consolidated its relation with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. They consolidated their relations with other fractions of the bourgeoisie. Of course, with some minimal nuance, with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, the consolidation was mostly political. This consolidation was being achieved through direct political relations between Haiti and imperialist countries. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie controlled the principal institution of the state apparatus, the government. They played a fundamental role in selling the country wholesale and piece meal. All the multilateral and bilateral agreements came thru this fraction. All this consolidated the relation of imperialism with the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. On top of that, all the aid was channeled through the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, facilitating their enrichment. Since that time, it became of utmost importance to not only fight corruption, but also to point out that the aid was also a means of capital accumulation, principally by that fraction.

With the comprador bourgeoisie, imperialism consolidated its relation thru trade import-export trade. The comprador bourgeoisie is also the local affiliate of imperialism in the assembly industry, as managers, sub-contractors or as partners. The comprador bourgeoisie acted as brokers for imperialism. So, the ties of imperialism with both these fractions of the bourgeoisie solidified from the 80’s to 86 and up to the second occupation. Both sectors of the bourgeoisie did unify in the mist of struggle during that period. This unity in the midst of struggle allowed imperialism to easily dominate Haiti. Imperialism is a crutch for the dominant classes. They modernized the repressive apparatus system of the State: the army, spy network, trained the military in torture tactics. All this was to render the dominant classes and the state apparatus more effective in exercising repression and keeping the masses disorganized to maintain their dictatorship on the popular masses.

Parallel to that, not in contradiction but in accordance to their overall objectives, imperialism built other forms to dominate the masses through a more passive form of control. They participated in the establishment of “communal council/cooperatives” now called NGOs, sometimes under religious cover, to control and expand their reach into the popular masses. All these political practices were aimed at consolidating the political power of the dominant classes and imperialism.

Imperialism played a role in setting up bourgeois democracy in favor of the dominant classes. The way bourgeois democratic practices are applied, Duvalier as president for life was a hindrance on that process. Bourgeois democratic structure needed to be implemented in the midst of struggle and contradictions within the dominant classes. In addressing these contradictions, the dominant classes, imperialism and the state apparatus needed to defuse the revolutionary potential of the masses, preventing any uncontrollable overflow of the masses. Just before 1986, a bourgeois representative, Jean Dominique, proposed a type of bourgeois democracy similar to Spain: make Jean Claude Duvalier a king and parliament would be a structure to resolve differences among the dominant classes. He insisted on the fact if the dominant classes failed to do that, they would all lose as a block.

The comprador bourgeoisie was leaning heavily on petit bourgeois intellectuals to wage political struggles against the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. The objective of the comprador bourgeoisie was to become the principal hegemonic force in the alliance of the dominant classes.

This unity / struggle in the dominant classes enhanced the capacity of imperialism to maneuver. They used the struggles waged by the petit bourgeois representatives of the comprador bourgeoisie to put more pressure on the government. They also organized a total of 12 pre-failed CIA led invasions, to put pressure on the Duvalier regime. Soon after the last invasion, Marc Bazin, one of the Chicago Boys nicknamed Mr. Clean, was appointed as Minister of the Economy. The objective was to limit or stop corruption. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie organized repression mainly on the popular masses, while at the same time, secondarily and selectively, repressed the bourgeois opposition. Imperialism and the dominant classes counted on them for this, but they were having problems, very deep problems with the way the bureaucratic bourgeoisie (BB) accumulated capital. The State, and State owned enterprises became their ATM machines. The comprador bourgeoisie (CB) resisted the trickle down capital that was going to their coffers. Imperialism openly supported the CB while playing the other side of the coin.

The hegemony of the BB was very effective in waging the anti popular repression, but at the same time their administration was very lacking. The BB didn’t seem to keen to reform their administration; it would have meant class suicide. The way the administration functioned was very suited for thievery. Corruption was institutionalized.

Since the mid 1980’s, imperialism feverishly applied a political line to make the CB more effective and to eventually become its hegemonic force. Imperialism supported the struggle of the CB representatives for political pluralism, a form of structure whereby many bourgeois sectors could debate.

The country was in a constant state of crisis; imperialism was between a rock and hard place. The revolutionary potential of the masses needed to be constantly defused. The BB was very effective at it; at the same time, for their plan to fully function, they needed a window-dressing type democracy.

The bureaucratic Bourgeoisie, because of its mode of capital accumulation, did maintain some level of relative autonomy to imperialism. This relative autonomy was demonstrated in their resistance to fully comply with structural adjustment programs, especially at the level of privatization. Under Aristide, in his attempt to reconstitute the BB, he showed the same resistance but in another historical conjectural context of the Haitian social formation. Either way, their resistance should not be considered, at all, as a manifestation of a progressive type of nationalism worthy of progressive and revolutionary support such as positions taken by many opportunist trends supporting Aristide. This nationalism of the BB under Duvalier, and then under Aristide, while attempting to rebuild the BB, is a reactionary nationalism only serving the narrow interests of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. But from the interest of the masses, from the interest of fundamental popular masses, this nationalism is anti national and anti popular. The struggle against privatization, and against structural adjustment in general, is a popular democratic struggle that must led by the autonomous masses under the leadership of working class for it not to be a reformist struggle, a struggle benefiting a fraction of the dominant classes.

Soon after the departure of Jean Claude Duvalier in 1986, a new set of crises arose and imperialism played a role, through various embassies, in attempts to stabilize the situation. Different elements should be pointed out:

Jean Claude’s departure was a very big blow for the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. That fraction of the bourgeois class lost its autocratic figure capable of cementing its unity and its ability to maintain its hegemonic role at the head of all the ruling classes. In 1988, another blow was dealt to this fraction. The constitution barred them from political participation for ten years. The internal struggle of that fraction of the bourgeoisie for a new autocratic figure, with a lot of potential godfathers for this small market, became an open struggle and really hindered its capacity to maintain hegemony. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie dominated all the junta. The Haitian army functioned as the political party of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie till the second occupation, witch was another non-lethal blow to this fraction, contrarily to the myth of Lavalas supporters and Aristide fanatics in giving Aristide credit for disbanding the army.

The social structure producing the bureaucratic bourgeoisie is still in existence in Haiti. The bureaucratic bourgeoisie is the product of that atrophied and deformed capitalism. The flow of aid is a breeding ground for the bureaucratic bourgeoisie. A factor of Aristides’s demise was actually his attempt to reconstitute that fraction, under his autocratic rule. The Gran Manjè [Big Eaters] became the new potential bourgeois bureaucrats; he tried to take control over the national police, recruited gangs and “chimè” [Lavalas version Toton Makouts] to the National Police. The comprador bourgeoisie and its representatives vehemently protested. One of the outspoken representatives of the comprador bourgeoisie, Jean Dominique a pro-Lavalas but turned anti-Aristide and close to Préval, was assassinated. Although institutions were created to stop corruption and capital accumulation by the now Préval administration, the potential for the reconstitution of the bureaucratic bourgeoisie is still great, an ever-constant element in the ongoing crisis in Haiti.
The BB temporarily lost its hegemonic control of the State apparatus, although the potential is present and strong for this fraction to regain control. An ongoing struggle is constantly brewing in the dominant classes. Their incapacity to resolve their internal contradictions, and their overall incapacity resulted in all the occupations Haiti has gone through so far in their interest, to safeguard their domination over the popular masses. The January 12th earthquake is also a proof of their incapacity, but most importantly a proof of their anti-national and anti-popular nature. Since the 1970’s, Haitian proletarian revolutionaries have insisted on the incapacity of the ruling classes and have been warning, from the proletarian problematic, of a possible occupation and an eventual protectorate.

Today we are still facing two possibilities, one in the interest of the dominant classes and the other in the interest of the popular masses guided by the working class. The working class and the rest of the popular masses need to defeat imperialism and the Haitian dominant classes. The working class needs to build autonomous organizations at all levels, unified the people’s camp under its leadership, to defeat the dominant classes and imperialism, OUR ONLY WAY OUT OF THIS MESS THEY HAVE PUT US IN.