The Swedish Mafia

scandinavia / denmark / iceland | crime prison and punishment | policy statement Monday March 23, 2009 05:06 by Andrés Bianque

The constant denial of the Swedish governments in relation to this case has been villainous. The Swedish secret police have counted on the cooperation of the Finnish Secret police. They both have the same flavour of Pinochet's secret police in Chile.
It has not been easy to collect and spare the documents that we share now. The years long intervention on our mail, email, bills, salaries etc. It has been obvious. All the evidence against them is erased again and again.

The Swedish Mafia.

March 2005. The Swedish police storm the apartment of my partner at the time, looking for the “dangerous” immigrant and craftsman, a friend of ours, who was staying in the country illegally, José Fransisco V.
A confiscated video of us celebrating Christmas with him proves our association and undoubtedly “incriminates us in his illegal visit to Sweden”.
A fine of 37,000 SEK, eviction from the apartment in question, and a mark in the criminal register for helping an illegal immigrant are the immediate consequences.
The case is decided in Stockholm, by judges Yngve Olsson and Sven Gynnegren, and received the case number 0403-13-76566.

While looking for José the police find a handful of pamphlets which contain instructions on how to defend one's self against police brutality. The Swedish police panic and immediately call Säpo, the Swedish security service, who had received a new lease on life following the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US, after quite a dull decade following the fall of the Soviet Union they now had a new task, a terrorist witch hunt.
They come into the apartment, seal it off, gather the “evidence”, and just as suddenly, disappear. We aren't allowed to get into the house, we are left outside with what we are wearing, my daughter, my partner and I.
The anxiety is building. No one calls us, no one is arrested, no one gives us any explanation, nothing.
What are we accused of?
We manage, finally, to contact the man in charge of the investigation that very same evening, the secret super agent Anders Jonsson (651001-7631).
He tells us that it is “not his problem” if we no longer have anywhere to live, and that he is not at liberty to tell us what we are accused of.
Three days later we call him again to ask is we can pick up a few things from the apartment, like clothes for our two year old daughter, he tells us that he is “not in the mood” to talk with us or to let us into the apartment.
We then turn to Amnesty International. “This is not our area” they tell us the first time we speak to them, although they later express interest in our case but ultimately they are able to provide no assistance, four times we go back and forth with them over the course of the next four years.
Two weeks after the secret service started their investigation they suddenly call my ex girlfriend in for an interrogation. At the same “meeting”, they show her great kindness by “granting” her 20 minutes to take as much as she can from the apartment. Of course, under the supervision of an agent. She grabs as much as she can in horrible rush. The Swedish government still has our belongings somewhere in a storage unit, which will be released back to us when it is proved that we are innocent of any crimes.
March 31rst 2005.
We file a report against the police for wrongful prosecution . These complaints are received and signed by the secretary of the police service, Eva Bergstam. We are then provided with a document which tells us that an ombudsman will be contacting us within 14 days, this never happens.

May 25th 2005.
Our first appeal reaches the Court of Justice in Strasburg; it is received by judges Peter Jann and Yvonne Leonné, and given the case number: 200502-05-78-677-6-82. The case is postponed until August when judge Peter Jann rules in our favor. The new case number is: EN.S-0510-368209-27, and the resolution is assigned the number: F-40/05.
During this time the police increase their efforts to find some sort of “clue” or circumstantial evidence. But it is all in vain, there is nothing. They decide to make a deal on the 28th of October 2005. They offer us 3,800,000 SEK, an agreement that finally is settled at 4 million SEK.

Judicial agreement
Case #: 003-22-76866
Responsible agents who have committed serious breaches of duty:
Lars Malm, .(5002028992), Anders Jonsson, (6510017631), Kjell Malmqvist, (5808296553), Axel-Olof Lundqvist ( 6111314419)
The agreement is signed by the head of the organisation, Kjell-Erik Enestam.

Because of bureaucratic and technical reasons I technically had nothing to do with this, the accusations were all against my ex, since the apartment was in her name. Even if they asked a lot about my activities, I was legally kept outside of the process.
I thought the agreement was fine, but I felt compelled to write extensively about the matter. We then received another document, signed by Kjell-Erik Enestam. It said that they had forgotten to add my name to the agreement, it was their mistake, and that I should sign it. Over the phone they indicated how positive my signature would be, apart from speeding up the process. This was because it was known that I write articles in certain media's, and because of the nature of my activities it would be very inconvenient for them if I were to comment on the matter.
To the original 4 million SEK they suddenly added another 1,500,000, if and when I were to sign. I refused to sign, I turned down their offer.
A couple of days later my ex came back from the hospital and shared with me the news that she was diagnosed with cancer, with several tumours. I admit that this mountain of emotions was stronger than my convictions, and I signed thinking about how we could use the money to go to Cuba where they have the most advanced medical treatments.
This amount was transferred to our account by the police, 5,374,000 SEK. But we couldn't touch it. They accused us of breaking the confidentiality agreement when we had contacted Amnesty International, although this was several months before there was any agreement.

By the end of 2005 judge Peter Jann made a new decision in our favour, the number of the decision was F124/05.
By the middle of January 2006, judge Jan Klucka also makes a decision in our favour, code: T-274/06. Later in the spring judge Julianne Kokott makes an order in the case under the code F96/06. During the summer, in June, the Swedish police once again begin threatening us with an interrogation which they tell us could take place any moment since they have found “new evidence”.
On the 8th of August the National Police Board (NPB) sends us a new contract. We should be absolutely silent about the matter until after the elections in September, 2006.

The contract was divided into two parts. One part was from the NPB, the other from people in the government and other civilians. However, the people who endorse this contract will not be made public, neither will their identities be recognised in the contract**. Only if they failed to hold up to their end of the contract by the given date would they give us the list of the guarantees. The two parts of the deal were to be kept safe by Finnish authorities, specifically, in the Ministry for foreign affairs of Finland.
The NPB, should pay compensation for three distinct cases, a total of 85 million SEK to the bank account number 358-40xx. At the latest 30th of September 2006. if the contract was not fulfilled exactly as how it was written, the NPB should pay us four times the amount. The responsible people in the NPB and the government would also be accused of fraud and crimes against Swedish legislation. We would have access to the list of the civilian guarantees of the contract, and the money guaranteed by it.
The new contract was signed: Director if the National Police Board (NPB); Stefan Strömberg, Chief of the department of investigations, Jophan Uddevall.

Fredrik Reinfeld of the Moderate Party won the elections. Nothing was fulfilled on the 30th of September that year.
In October, we contacted Roberta Alenius, Fredrik Reinfeld’s assistant. She called us back and informed us that Reinfeld was asking for more time to resolve this matter in a decent way. Reinfeld’s government talked to the Court of Justice, and the president of this court, judge Vassilious Skouris who made the decision T-169/06 which provided the Swedish government with more time to resolve the issue.

Around this time the son of our lawyer dies in a tragic accident, and shortly thereafter our lawyer himself dies of a heart attack. His widow calls to blame us for his death, according to her it was the case that killed him.

In the beginning of 2007 we contact the Finnish minister for foreign affairs, Mr. Illka Kanerva, who recommended that we talk to the ombudsman of the Court of Justice.
Someone from the European Court of Human Rights makes himself seem like a member of the organization Human Rights Watch. They investigate. Our lawyer at this time, is the German, Gregory F.

In February the police joined the Swedish enforcement authority and evicted my ex girlfriend from her new home. They claim that she hasn’t paid her rent for months. She provides them with receipts of the payments from Swedbank. They evict her anyway.
We contact the minister of justice, Beatrice Ask and her assistant, Alexandra Hlebb. They promise to solve our case in a decent manner. They offer us an apartment located in Solna, Stockholm, street Ankdamsgatan 4, 3rd floor. We see the apartment and accept it. One day before the move they call to inform us that we wont actually be able to get the apartment because of administrative problems.
Beatrice Ask, promised us every time she calls us that the dangerous and hidden immigrant José F. Vergara, will be granted a permanent residence permit, and also more money because of the delay in our case. Every time she calls she offers more and more money.

In September 2007, Vassilious Skouris makes a new decision: T-234/07.
Five different countries are now responsible to solve our case: France, England, Finland, Germany and Denmark. Finland and Minister Illka Kanerva will have the main responsibility. Minister Kanerva doesn’t do anything. Moreover, the Finnish government doesn’t know anything about the process.
They accuse us again. We leave Sweden under false names. We give an interview for the Finnish national television, YLE. The journalists, Tero Koskinen and Arto Väliaro get all the documents of the case. We get paid an amount of money for the exclusive interview. The money is paid to a new bank, Osuuspankki, in Finland. It is immediately frozen, however, by an order from the president of the bank, Erkki Erälä.

In November-December we again contact Swedish Prime Minister, Fredrik Reinfeld. He promises us that he will talk to some “important people” that are behind the contract of 85 millions.
We send the news to all the media and the political parties in Sweden.
We give a several hours long interview to a star journalist, Mikael Persson, in SVT, Swedish national television. He tells us he will investigate our case. We never hear from him again.

Fredrik Reinfeld does not receive any help from the other people involved in the 85 million SEK contract, so he agrees that he himself will be the one who solves this dispute for us now. He asks us for a bit of time in order to sell some stock.
On the 7th of January he makes a deposit of 9,850,000 SEK from S. Finans, transaction number 81722 to the bank of Swedbank. At the same time the Swedish enforcement authority freezes the transaction citing their reason as fines that have not been paid must be deducted before the account funds can be accessed . Fredrik Reinfeld excuses himself and insists that Maud Olofsson, the second prime minister of Sweden is the one who is detaining the money. “Any private payments should not be done, they seem like being done under the table. It does not look good.”

The lawyer Gerogory F. calls us when he should have come to Sweden with the paperwork over our case, and he tells us that he could not make it because he was arrested for carrying some weapon in the airport. We have not heard from him since then.
Our new lawyer will be Kjell Jonsson and his associate Anna Wigenmark.
In January 2008 I begin to receive letters from the enforcement authorities. They insist that I have not paid the rent. I show all the receipts of the payments.

In February my ex partner has a meeting in Finland with the minister of Justice Tuija Brax.
She offers a cheque with a high amount of money in order to finish our case. But Reinfeld speaks personally with the Finnish Prime minister Matti Vanhanen and promises to resolve, once again, our case.

Kjell Jonsson, our lawyer, disappears from the case after his wife passes away. He can not take any calls, so we wait for several weeks. We need urgently our papers. We have not heard from him until now.

Our new lawyer will be William Dagneberg of the Syndicalists Party.
The Secret Police “finds” new evidence against us, my ex is interrogated again. W. Dagneberg is present at the interrogation.
On 16th of April I wake up with a smooth kick. The enforcement authorities and the police force me to leave my apartment for allegedly not paying the rent for several months. I show them the receipts of the payments. The representative of the enforcement authority, Kristian Halldín gives me five minutes to get out. I do not have time to get anything. They took me out with what I was wearing. A lot of things were destroyed afterwards and even more was stolen. Some of the papers relating to the case, for example, disappeared.
In April we went to Finland and made contact with the Finnish Association for Human Rights and their general secretary Kristiina Kouros. She put us in contact with Martin Scheinin, a special investigator of the UN. An investigation in the International Court of Justice in Haag is in their plans.

I go to Swedbank with the receipts of the rent payments. A high positioned director explains to me that they are falsified. I told him to call the police such if he honestly believed these severe accusations. I waited for two hours and nobody appeared. The next day a policeman calls me and tells me that he wants to talk with me about all the “shit” I am talking about the Swedish police and the bank. The day after I wait for him in the police station of Solna, in Stockholm. A civil policeman asks my name and treats me in vulgar and threatening way. In the interrogation room he shows me the bank documents that I left in the bank the day before, and he also has the papers of our case. The contracts, deposits etc…
He accuses me of being a drug addict, insane, abnormal. He tells me that I should stop dirtying the name of the Swedish police or I would regret it. I told him to detain me, and he insisted that I falsified everything. I repeated that he should arrest me, but he only looked at me. He did not do or say anything. The police officer's name is Kent Erikssen, who did not notice that I recorded the whole conversation with my mobile phone.

Our lawyer William Dagneberg leaves the case; “The case is too much for me,”. We have not heard from him since then.
In June our case is investigated by the UN. The 13th of June we receive a document signed by Charles Radcliff relieving Martin Scheinin from the case due to personal involvement in our case.

Charles Radcliff talks to us in several occasions asking patience for a couple of weeks more. I call him from a private phone and I get to know that he has never sent any paper and does not know our case, and even less does he know Martin Scheinin, and he has never talked to any of us. Our suspicions are confirmed. The police have been transferring our calls about our case to their own locations.
Martin Scheinin gets back to the case. He involves himself in a complete investigation about the mysterious letter he received. Nothing has been done by now.
15th of June Martin Scheinin opens a account in a Swiss bank in order to be able to access the deposit of the compensation which at the time was paid by UN and cancelled by the Swedish government.

Zurcher Kantonalbank
The account number 655-46-772621-13
The account manager Hervé Cerrvezét
The opening deposit 5000 euros

On the 25th of June, Lionell Du Bois received the case in the Haag International Court of Justice. Our case gets a case number UN808/0805-2212.
1st of July a new decision is made in our favour by the Haag. The judges are Leonid Skotnikov and Ronny Abraham. The president Rosalyn Higgins is informed as well. We get to know about the decision by phone from the judge Peter Tomka, who also gives us a new case number 11322-0805-200503-221.

The Swedish police accuse us once again. They have new evidence against us. The vice president of the court of Haag, judge Awn Shawkat Al Khasawneh approves the appeal and the accusations of the Swedish government, informes the judge Peter Tomka.
Rosalyn Higgins, the president of the court of Haag, excuses herself several times and promises to resolve our case as soon as possible. Strangely, the Swedish police do not present their evidence against us.

The 10th of October the court of Helsinki, Finland has a case against the president of the bank Osuuspankki, Erkki Erälä. He declares that he had got a petition from the Swedish secret police to detain the payment from the Finnish national television to our account. We are represented by Martin Scheinin. The case number is 08-22418 and the judge is Oskari Purinen. The resolution: guilty for accepting bribes, guilty for fraud and for a severe error in his profession. The sentence will be six months prison. The compensation for us is set to be 340,000 Euros. The resolution number is 10/08-112-B.
Martin Scheinin disappears. Guarded by two policemen I wait for him at his office in Helsinki for two hours, we were to have a meeting. We file a report with the Finnish police for presumed trouble. He does not surface. The weeks pass and I finally receive word from him, he tells me that he does not know me. Not me, our case or nothing that has to do with us. It is a mistake, he says.
November 2008 we make contact with ombudsman Mats Melín, who has not done anything by now. The same month I make contact with the Chilean Consulate in Stockholm, Mr Rodrigo Ruiz Ortiz, to whom I give all the documentation regarding our situation.

The 29th December the Party of the Real Finns (Finland) with their leader Timo Soini, send us a promise of cooperation and help. If the tribunal at the Haag does not resolve the case (UN808/0805/2212), the Party of the Real Finns will contact to media to expose all the crimes and injustices that have been committed against us. The deadline is set to be the third week of January, this year, 2009.
On Friday 23rd of February the Swedish embassy in Chile sends me a letter signed by the first secretary Cecilia Ekholm and they declare my situation to be;
“A judicial case in Sweden that involves particular persons”. Very strange, as the documents are signed by the Swedish police and not by a particular person.

When the news of the Swedish governments persecution against me and my family appears on the web pages like Terra, Rebellión and Kaosenlared among others, Mona Sahlín, the president of the Swedish Social Democratic Party rushes to promise to resolve the case immediately. She only asks for little more time.
The 6th of March 2009 we ask if Mona Sahlín would personally give us back the keys to the apartment from which I was illegally evicted. Would she also resolve for the residency status of that “dangerous” illegal immigrant who caused all this trouble? And perhaps provide us with any of the compensation we have been awarded in case after case after case? She calls us on Tuesday 10th and on Wednesday 11th of March this present year and assures us that “the important people” that lie behind the big contract, refuse to cooperate and any kind of agreement with us will be difficult to make. We should wait, she tells us.
On Friday 13th of March 2009, the Real Finns offer us 100,000 Euros if we do not mention their part in this case. They will deny they ever had any contact with us if we say anything but promise to help resolve our case if we cooperate with them.
On Tuesday 17th March 2009 occurs a personal meeting between my ex and the leader of the real Finns, Timo Soini. They have one thousand excuses as to why they cannot do anything right now. The meeting is recorded.
The same day Mona Sahlín comments on phone that “the important people” will not make any agreement and they do not have any intentions of resolving our case.

Stefan Strömberg who signed the contract of 85 millions, who we have spoken to a dozen times, is the same man who was a part of the commission investigating the murder of the prime minister Olof Palme. A murder that remains unsolved.

The constant denial of the Swedish governments in relation to this case has been villainous. The Swedish secret police have counted on the cooperation of the Finnish Secret police. They both have the same flavour of Pinochet's secret police in Chile.
It has not been easy to collect and spare the documents that we share now. The years long intervention on our mail, email, bills, salaries etc. It has been obvious. All the evidence against them is erased again and again.

We do not have a lawyer right now. All of them that have represented us, have walked away mysteriously, disappeared or just simply not been operative enough. We are still waiting for “the lawyers on the frontier” to at least phone us, one year after we made contact with them asking for help.

I will emphasise the great teamwork that the Swedish government is achieving in order to cover their operations. The uninterested help by the president of Swedbank, Jan Lidén to erase the payments made by the police to our accounts, the un-payable labour of the phone company, Telia, for erasing any inconvenient phone call from our register or transferring calls to the locations of the police.
The National enforcement authorities, the national tax board, the police, the courts of justice, the Parliament, the media, the banks, the social department, health care, schools, universities, UN, the international court of justice, European courts, etc…
This summary should be about 50 pages, and dozens of names and institutions should be mentioned, there is only lack of space and a fear that I will exhaust the readers that I obviate all those “important people”.

They almighty, we human.

Andrés Bianque

**Secret members of the contract for 85 million, or the “Important people”
There appear the amounts of the fines and penalties they got. These are notes t hat have been saved from a rough copy, the original and other papers were stolen from our cabin, when we travelling from Finland.

Michael Treschow: Businessman Ericsson.

Marcus Wallenberg: Businessman, and part of the Wallenberg family who control Investor, Ericsson, SEB and many other companies.

Johan Pettersson: Businessman.

Thomas Jonsson: Businessman.

Thomas Bodström: Former justice minister.

Göran Persson: Former prime minister, fine: 545,000 SEK

Jan-Ove Nilsson: Businessman.

Hans Wallenstam: Businessman and part of the Wallenberg family who control Investor, Ericsson, SEB and many other companies.

Kurt Malmström: SÄPO

Stefan Strömberg: Fine: 265,000 SEK.

Fredrik Reinfeld: Fine: 325,000 SEK.

Anders Danielsson: General director of SÄPO. Fine: 105,000 SEK.

Johan Sjöblom: Agent of SÄPO

Johan Valentin, Claes Tiselius: members of SÄPO, currently aware of our case.

Ulf Högström: 070 841 10 14. Secret Service Force. Currently.

Johan Nilsson: 070 841 40 46. Secret Service Force. Currently.